opprobrium and unpopularity attendant upon his mal-administra▾ tion. What was then to be my choice, what the decision I had to form? I could not hesitate a moment. I decided at once, not to cloud the dawn of my administration by leaving in such power and authority, so much imputed malversation: but in doing this, I determined, while I meant to curtail him of his power, and to shew to the nation, that he did not belong to my administration, to let him remain in point of income, as well, to the full, as he had ever been: I did not touch, and he knew I had determined not to touch a hair of the head of any of his family or friends; and they are still left in the full enjoyment of more emolument than ever was accumulated in any country upon any one family. To the odium of doing so I submitted, rather than incur the risque of displeasing my colleagues, by infringing the emolument of a person professing great attachment to them; though indeed, at the same time, I had no slight ground of doubting the sincerity of those professions. This, then, is the list of my dismissions."

Great preparations having been made during the summer and autumn of 1794, by different bodies of Roman Catholics throughout the kingdom, to bring before parliament an efficient application for their total emancipation, their confidence of success first rose out of the introduction of the duke of Portland with many of his friends into the British cabinet, upon the question of the war; which being foreign from any points of internal regulation in Ireland, they gave that whole party full credit for retaining all those principles so favourable to them and their friends, which had been manifested by his grace in the glorious year of 1782. For many weeks after that memorable coalition, the public belief was, that the government of the country would have been committed to his grace in person. Their ardour, however, was not at all abated upon the report, that the vice-regency was to be committed to earl Fitzwilliam. In the beginning of September, the Northern Star, (the popular paper of Belfast) had announced the probability of this event, and that the first measure of his administration was to be the emancipation of the Roman Catholics. The inflexible integrity, honour, and liberality of this nobleman had gained by anticipation the most unlimited credit from the bulk of the Irish nation, as his tender kindness and benevolence to a numerous and happy tenantry had long ensured him the love and affectionate esteem of all who personally knew him. The steps which the different bodies of the Roman Catholics were pursuing under these confidential expectations were publicly known and alluded to in the different prints of the day, without any pretension to secrecy. It was justly observed by that nobleman, that the jealousy and

* 1 Letter to lord C.

alarm, which at a certain period of lord Westmoreland's administration pervaded the minds of the Protestant body, then existed no longer; when not one Protestant corporation, scarcely an individual had come forward to deprecate and oppose the indulgence claimed by the higher orders of Catholics; when even some of those who were then their most violent opposers declared the indulgences now asked to be only the necessary consequences of those granted at that time, and positively to secure the well being of the two countries. The address of the Catholics of Dublin was presented to his excellency on the 7th of January, 1795:* and was followed up by similar addresses from different bodies; they were all of a similar tendency, and received from his excellency similar answers. It was a fact publicly known to all and

One laments to see party bias work up a person in the exalted situation of a chancellor and minister, to give so distorted a representation of the loyal and dutiful act of a respectable body of subjects, evidently calculated to throw a suspicion of treason upon the whole body of those addressers. (Lord Clare's speech, p. 66.) " An address to lord Fitzwilliam in the name of their body was voted, and at the front of the committee appointed to greet the king's 16 representative under the auspices of his self avowed minister, stand the "names of Dr. William James M'Neven, Mr. John Sweetman, and Mr. "Richard M'Cormick, all of them self-convicted traitors Mr. M'Neven has "very candidly acknowledged that Catholic emancipation was always a mere pretence, and that if he and the worthy gentleman with whom he acted, had "been enabled to succeed in their projects, they would as soon have established "the Mahometan as the Popish religion. It was originally a pretence for "rebellion, &c."

† In order to shew how little treasonable these addresses were in their origin, endency, or expressions, I have selected one by way of sample, presented to his excellency by lord Kenmare and the titular bishop, from the Roman Catholics of the county of Kerry.

"To bis Excellency, &c.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

"WE, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Catholics of the county of Kerry, beg leave to approach your excellency on your appointment to the government of this kingdom.

"Proud of living under a monarch, whose glory it is to cultivate the affec tions of his subjects, as the firmest support of his throne, we receive with the "most lively gratitude as a fresh instance of his parental regards for the interest "of this country, his deputing a nobleman to the important station of chief governor, from whose elated virtues we have every thing to hope, and whose gracious reply to our brethren of Dublin, is a sure earnest of the wisdom of "his councils.

"Under his majesty's auspicious reign, the Catholics of this kingdom have "gradually emerged from a depressed condition to the participation of valua "ble privileges; when penalties were annexed to the exercise of our religion, "we found an asylum in his majesty's lenity, and in the recent concessions of a "liberal and enlightened parliament, was recognized the influence of his majes "ty's example.

"Highly sensible of these favours from which we and our country have "derived so many advantages, we trust our conduct will, on every occasion, "merit your excellency's favourable representation of our grateful attachment "to our most gracious sovereign, his august house, and our invaluable constic "tution.

complained of by some, that large as the concessions had been to the Catholics in the preceding session, their gratitude for them appeared less prominent in their different resolutions and addresses, than their confidence and expectation of their future extension. It was observed, that the firmly cherished hope of a total deliverance from all disqualifications was so predominant among them, that the former grants had met with a cold reception. On the 22d of January, 1795, earl Fitzwilliam met the parliament, and in his speech alluded to the eventful situation of

"When it shall seem good to the legislature to remove the disabilities "which still affect our body, we presume to assure your excellency, that we "shall rejoice more as Irishmen than as Catholics, and we humbly beg leave "to express our confidence, that it will be the glory of your excellency's ad"ministration to cement unanimity amongst the people committed to your care, " and thus establish an inseparable barrier against the enemies of his majesty's "person and government."

Although the vice-regency of earl Fitzwilliam were the shortest of any during the last century, yet it was pregnant with the most eventful consequences: we give therefore an exact copy of his speech.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"IN obedience to his majesty's commands, I resort to your councils, at a period which, in a peculiar manner, calls for the wisdom "and energy of parliament.

"His majesty's determination is fixed. As long as he is supported by his "faithful subjects, he never will be wanting to them or to himself. His ma"jesty has no interest but that of his people, no views but for their happiness "no object but their general safety.

"The uniform tenor of your conduct has demonstrated, that you will not "only be desirous, but zealous to second and emulate the magnanimity of a sovereign formed to lead a nation, that has ever been as firm to assert its "liberties, as affectionately devoted to a government which maintains its own "authority for the sole purpose of supporting those liberties.

"As you are thus cordially attached to that sovereign, and to the constitution "which it is his glory to protect, I have to announce to you, with true satis"faction, what you will hear with equal pleasure, the intended marriage of "his royal highness the prince of Wales, with the princess Carolina Amelia "Elizabeth, daughter of his most illustrious highness the duke of Brunswick "and Lunenburgh, a princess of that illustrious house to whose mild and con"stitutional sway these kingdoms are highly indebted for the blessings they "enjoy; this marriage promises the perpetuation of the same blessings under

"the same house.

"I have it also in command to inform you, that his majesty has concluded a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation with the United States of Ame"rica, in which it has been his majesty's object to remove as far as possible, "all grounds of jealousy and misunderstanding, and to improve an intercourse "beneficial to both states. As soon as the ratification of this treaty shall have "been exchanged, and I shall have received a copy of it, I will direct it to be "laid before you, in order that you may consider whether it will be necessary "that you should make any provisions for carrying into effect a treaty, in "which the commerce of this kingdom is so materially and extensively in"terested.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"I have directed the estimates of the public service, " and the state of the public accounts, to be laid before you.

"His majesty has that assured confidence grounded on a long and uniform experience of your loyalty and your zeal for his service, and the good of

the British empire, and called upon them to lend their aid to its support in those extraordinary circumstances. Immediately after the speech had been read, Mr. Grattan (whom not having received any place, lord Clare called, the self-avowed Minister

46 your country, that I think it unnecessary to press you in any particular "manner to make a provision adequate to the present awful situation of affairs. "It is with pleasure I acquaint you, that this provision will in some degree "be facilitated by the circumstance, that, during the existence of such a war "as the present, the public revenue, together with the commerce of the "kingdom, has kept up, and has even been augmented: advantages, which "are due to the care and vigilance of our sovereign, in the general protection " provided by him for his subjects.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I earnestly recommend to you a continuance of the laudable pains you have constantly taken to cultivate all your domestic advantages in commerce, in manufactures, and in such public works as have appeared directed to promote those important objects. These are the true "foundations of all public revenue and public strength. Your endeavours "have had their fruit.

"The great staple manufacture of this kingdom has increased beyond "the most sanguine expectations; an advantage principally owing to the con"stant superintendance and wise provisions of the parliament of Ireland, and "next to those, to the assured liberal and most merited encouragement, which "it receives in the rich and extensive market of Great Britain; a circumstance "tending to cement the union and to perfect the harmony which happily sub"sists, and I trust will subsist for ever between the two kingdoms.

46

"Attached as you are to the general cause of religion, learning and civiliz"ation, I have to recommend to your consideration, the state of education "in this kingdom, which in some parts will admit of improvement, in others may require some new arrangements; considerable advantages have been "already derived under the wise regulations of parliament from the Pro"testant charter-schools, and these will as usual claim your attention; but as these advantages have been but partial, and as circumstances have made "other considerations connected with this important subject highly necessary, "it is hoped, that your wisdom will order every thing relating to it in the "manner most beneficial, and the best adapted to the occasions of the several descriptions of men which compose his majesty's faithful subjects in "Ireland.

46

"We are engaged in an arduous contest; the time calls not only for great "fortitude, and an unusual share of public spirit, but for much constancy "and perseverance. You are engaged with a power, which, underthe an"cient forms of its internal arrangement, was always highly formidable to "the neighbouring nations. Lately this power has assumed a new shape, "but with the same ambition, with much more extensive and systematic de"signs, far more effective, and without comparison more dreadful in the cer"tain consequences of its eventual success; it threatens nothing less than the ❝entire subversion of the liberty and independence of every state in Europe: "an enemy to them all, it is actuated with a peculiar animosity against these "kingdoms, not only as the natural protection of the balance of power in Europe, but also because, by the possession of a legal, humane, and rational freedom, we seem to reproach that false and spurious liberty, which "in reality is an ignominious servitude, tending to extinguish all good arts, "to generate nothing but impiety, crime, disorder, and ferocious manners, "and to end in wretchedness and general desolation.

"To guard his people from the enterprises of this dangerous and malignant power, and for the protection of all civilized society against the inroads of "anarchy, his majesty has availed himself of every rational aid, foreign and “domestic; he has called upon the skill, courage and experience of all his

of lord Fitzwilliam) rose to move the address. "The speech "from-the throne," said he, “ goes to three great objects: the "preservation of Europe, the harmony of the present genera ❝tion, and the education of the future. We cannot debate the "causes of the war; we deliberate the present state of it; Europe's danger, and our own. When France covered more "ground in Europe, and when France took Brabant, conquered "Flanders, invaded Holland, she made war on Ireland. You "know enough of the levels of Europe to foresee that that great "ocean, that inundation of barbarity, that desolation of infidelity, that dissolution of government, and that sea of arms, if it "swell over the continent, must visit our coasts. Do not depre"ciate so much your danger or pre-eminence, as to imagine you 46 are no more concerned in the evils of the times, than to read the gazette which relates them; nor forget that you have raised 66 your head too high on the globe, not to encounter the storm. "If the continent of Europe belong to France, if all the coast "from Holland to Brest belong to France, this island must "sink to the bottom of the ocean. You cannot divide the wes"tern empire; the continent to the French, and Ireland to her. "self; this is not like your other wars; this is not like the Ame"rican war: in that war, the object was, tax the last colony; but no matter, many of the best friends of this country opposed "that war; but when the French interposed, when the ancient "enemy of these realms, the eternal rival in all shapes, mo"narchical or republican, of Great Britain, the same men took "a decided part against France; for it has been the long habit "of this country, to consider her in every new shape as the old 26 enemy; nor is this like the seven years war; there the object was, a distant territory in another hemisphere, and with which you are not to trade; yet then you took the field, voted ar"mies, and incurred a debt, wisely if you mean to go on with "England, idly if you go back now: nor is this like the Spanish "convention of 1790, and yet on the sound of that war you "voted a loan.

66

"subjects, wheresoever dispersed. And you must be duly sensible, in such "a crisis as the present, which rarely occurs in the course of human affairs, "of the advantage of thus endeavouring to profit of the united strength and "zeal of every description of his subjects

"I have to assure you of his majesty's most cheerful concurrence in every "measure which your wisdom and comprehensive patriotism shall point out "for this salutary purpose.

"On my part, you shall find me, from principle, and from inclination, tho"roughly disposed to concur with his majesty's paternal wishes, and with the "wise measures of his parliament. On a cordial affection to the whole of "Ireland; and on a conduct suitable to that sentiment, I wish to found my "own personal estimation and my reputation in the execution of the great "trust committed by the most beneficent of sovereigns to my care.”