imputed to him, the passive executor of the pleasure of Elizabeth. A contemporary, who, though it must be admitted he could know nothing but from hearsay, had certainly no prejudice in favour of Cecil*, tells us that Essex had during his abode in Ireland, written letters to the queen, full of malice towards Cecilt, and that these were seen by the secretary; and that upon the return of the lor deputy from Ireland, the unkindness between the twe statesmen grew to an extremity, being much exasperated by the violent and imprudent speeches in which Essex indulged. According to the same authority, an attempt was made to effect a reconciliation between them. But Cecil was unwilling to it, "because there was no consancy in Essex's love." Essex whose estate was dilapidated, would be a suitor to the queen for assistance, and if unsuccessful would be jealous of Cecil; who avowed that he would not assist him, though he would bear no malice against him. Essex was still a favourite with the people; and the walls of London were covered with libels upon Cecil, for his behaviour to his rival. Cecil apparently took no pains to acquire popularity, or to disabuse the public of his ill usage of the favourite; but the same unsuspected, though not authoritative information assures us, that "the secretary soon won sincere love and honour by his behaviour." It was found that he had done his rival "all good and honourable offices with the queen; that he had not been so adverse to the earl as was supposed; * Rowland Whyte, who thought that Cecil had been unfavourable to the applications which his master, sir Henry Sidney, had made to the queen. See his letters in the Sidney Papers, ii. 122, 123. 133. 135. 153. 156. 167. 200. 212. + I am not acquainted with any letter in which Cecil is distinctly named; but the following is an extract from one of Essex's letters, in Moryson's Itinerary: "Is it not spoke in the army, that your majesty's favour is diverted from me, and that already you do bode ill, both to me and it? Is it not lamented of your faithfullest subjects, both there and here, that a Cobham, or a Ralegh, (I will forbear others for their places' sake, should have such credit and favour with your majesty, when they wish the ill success of your majesty's most important action, the decay of your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest servants?"-Southey,p.116. By somebody, who, in Whyte's Cypher is designated as "300 brother." that it was her majesty that was wounded by the contemptuous courses of Essex, who was not easy to be satisfied; . . . . . when it came to the point, none did deal more truly and honourably with the earl."* ..... Rowland Whyte's statements are in great part confirmed by the more authentic accounts which we have of the proceedings in the star-chamber, which appear to have been public, or at least, had in the presence of "divers of the nobility and gentry."+ The public vindication indeed of the queen's conduct, was the special and avowed object of the proceeding. With this view, the several ministers set forth the exertions which the queen had made for the suppression of Tyrone's rebellion, and the injudicious conduct of Essex, as well in the management of the war as in the terms of peace. Cecil dwelt also upon the queen's general policy towards Ireland, which, until the rebellion, called for stronger measures, had been mild and conciliatory. When she determined to suppress that rebellion, it was agreed in council, with the concurrence of Essex, that 16,000 foot, and 1300 horse, should be employed. But, "although the earl of Essex carried on the flower of her majesty's army in all places without disreputation, where his person was present, yet since this summer's action, her forces had both under sir Henry Harrington when the numbers were equal, and under sir Conyers Clifford§, when her majesty was far superior, received greater disasters than ever the troops did upon like terms in that kingdom. And for the rest of the army, though it did not perish by the sword, yet it dissolved so fast by other accidents, as when it was expected that Ulster should have been assailed, neither the province nor the provincial rebel could be for any purpose attempted. But only after a parley (wherein the traitor stood upon See Sidney Papers, 14th and 16th of February, 1599. ii. 167. +28th of November, 1599. Camden, p. 617. It is very possible that Camden himself was present. His account of Cecil's speech, is a faithful though incomplete abstract of the speech as I found in the Museum. Harl. 6854. p. 249. Southey, p. 117, 118. equal terms), a cessation was agreed on, first determinable at his pleasure, upon fourteen days' warning, and then the lord lieutenant instantly came over, directly contrary to her majesty's absolute commandment, signified under her own hand. Of this so great contempt in his lordship towards her majesty, his sovereign lady, I intend particularly to deliver divers substantial circumstances, whereof the world as yet has not taken perfect notice; and therefore, I will pass over many more things, saving only a report posted under hand from man to man it is shortly this, that notwithstanding the earl of Essex had in show a large commission under the great seal of England, whereby he had power and authority to make war or peace as he thought good yet his own resolutions were altered by private despatches from hence, and that his journey into Munster which he took, was only carried on by the advice of that council in Ireland. "In the first I would never ask any other testimony than his lordship's honour (which I know he will not falsify), or the perusal of his own letters (which contain continual apologies for his proceedings there), contrary to the which himself originally projected and advised, and which her majesty, from the beginning to the ending, both wholly and only commanded. "In the second, that his lordship was swayed by the council there to alter his own determination; I must leave that between God and both parties, for, as all my lords that sit in this place do know as well as I, that the council from thence have all avowed, under their own hands, that they did never like nor advise any such course, and that they are fully persuaded that his lordship will clear them, in his own honour, from any such imputation. It remaineth therefore now, that I speak something of the contents of that letter, whereby his lordship was forbidden to return; because it is suggested that howsoever her majesty did lately countermand him with a letter, since his going over, that he had a former warrant under the great seal of England, for all his actions. You shall understand that when his lordship was to leave England, he made his humble suit that her majesty should grant him liberty for his return, if he should find cause for the good of her majesty's service: to this request, out of her favour and trust, she assented, and gave him a warrant so to do, signed with her own hand,—a matter which she thought little to have found any cause to suspend, until his own letters represented such an image of a desperate state of that kingdom, as there appeared a great necessity to consider what form of government was fit to be established; because it could not be but that the sudden absence of his person would leave things in a further confusion: and therefore to prevent the disadvantage of a mixed government, she began to consider of some nobleman to succeed him, and so did write to him a letter to the effect following: That having seen lately by all his despatches, to what terms her affairs were brought, and being not as yet fully resolved whom to choose for her governor in his absence, it was her pleasure that he should first particularly advertise her to what final conclusion he had made in the north; after which she assured him, he should presently receive her warrant to come over, without which, she charged him upon his duty and allegiance not to presume to return for any respect, nor to adventure to take any benefit of any former liberty at his peril; whereto I must add this one circumstance, because my conscience tells me I say truth, that I did find so grievous a disposition in her at the writing of this letter, in no sort to continue him long in that moist and unseasonable climate, as I assure you all upon the credit of an honest man, that I am fully assured, if he had but written once again that he was desirous to deliver any thing by himself which was not fit for his paper, he should have received a warrant for his return within twenty days after." Adverting to its having been said that Ireland had been put in greater peril by the rejection of the proposals from Tyrone, which Essex brought with him, "Fain would I be silent in this point for some respects, but my duty presseth me to the contrary; for all my lords that sit here do know as well as I, that my lord himself delivered to them all, that as the parley with Tyrone, the traitor vaunted of his strength, and insulted on the weakness of the queen's army, not sticking to brag at the parley to himself, that at that time he was five to one of her majesty's forces." . . . . He asked whether in this mood, Tyrone would have accepted terms which he had rejected when he was less powerful, and he stated his present demands:-"1. He would not receive mercy upon any conditions, unless all the rebels in Ireland might come under his capitulation. 2. He required that all lands should be restored which were held by any from the English; articles whereby her majesty must first admit that rebel to be prolocutor, and then protector of all Ireland; and next must consent to the ruin of her poor subjects, that either have been placed by her majesty, or the queen her sister. 3. To bind up all his pack the surer, this barbarous traitor pretended to be very resolute to have freedom of conscience granted (a point very needless for him to insist upon, were it true that he had any more religion than his horse), for as his drift was only for to value himself better by his pretext with her majesty's enemies, so it is known to all that understand Ireland, that there was never black said to his eye for any matter of conscience, and neither are the laws there in the same force for harbouring of priests, as they are in England: neither have the governors there used any such security for it, as it may easily appear, when it has been seen and known of long time, that mass and popish trumpery is common in every corporate city in that kingdom,-a matter wherewith though her majesty has been grieved in the piety of her own religious heart, yet such has been her majesty's moderation in matters of conscience, that she had ever this disposition, rather to recommend the accommodation thereof by her prayers to God's divine providence, than to use any sudden or violent compulsion to those poor |