tween his majesty and the king of France, because it will probably be two or three years before the parliament will be in a humour to give him any supplies after the making of any peace with France, and the ambassador here has always agreed for that sum, but not for so long a time. If you find the peace will not be accepted, you are not to mention the money at all; and all possible care must be taken to have this whole negotiation as private as possible, from fear of giving offence at home, where, for the most part, we hear in ten days after of anything that is communicated to the French ministers. I must again repeat to you, that whatever you write on these subjects to the secretary (to whom you must not mention a syllable of the money), you must say only as a thing you believe they will consent to, if you had power formally to make those propositions. Pray inform yourself to the bottom of what is to be expected from France, and assure them, that you believe this will be the last time that you shall receive any propositions of a peace if they be rejected, as indeed, I believe, it will; so that you may take your own measures as well as the king's upon it.” Danby took care to have it certified, that this important, and to him fatal, communication was written by the special direction of the king, "This letter is writ by my order, C. R." The king of France, confiding probably in the unwillingness of the English parliament to support a war against him, however warmly they might address for it, insisted upon Iprès and Condé, and would not agree to the terms proposed: Montagu, therefore, " made no mention at all of the money," to which, however, Louis, who had probably a hint from Barillon, appeared to allude, in saying that " he would send such orders to Barillon about Iprès and Condé, and other affairs, as he had no doubt would satisfy the king." And it appears to have been Montagu's expectation that if, in the " Montagu, April 11., p. 81. words of Louis, when he was represented as desirous of peace, keeping Iprès," the high treasurer would let Barillon alone *, the English ambassador, as well as his master, would partake of French gratitude. Parliament now again met, and the counsels of the court were all for war. Danby employed Temple to draw the opening speecht, but upon the news of a more pacific inclination in the States, another was substituted. This contained a fair narrative of what had passed, as well between Charles and his parliament, as between England and France. It was a communication apparently unexceptionable, but was not at all successful. Instead of attending to the matter of the speech, the house began with angry votes about religion; but they resolved, that the league with the States was not consistent with their addresses, and they desired the king to make offensive alliances with the emperor and Spain, and the States-General, and all other princes who would agree to them, and to prohibit all commerce with France. The king returned an angry answer§; whereupon the house addressed against the counsellors who advised that answer, and one returned to their former address ||; and also for the removal of the duke of Lauderdale. T Possibly they had by this time found out, or had been apprised by the French minister, that Danby was not the enemy of English interests. These proceedings, not unnaturally, put the king "in a rage ;" the unwillingness with which, persuaded by Danby and Temple, he had resolved to unite with his people against France, broke out in reproaches against the latter for his "popular notions,' and for inducing him to a hopeless reliance upon the house of commons. ** He immedi * Letter of April 17., p. 84. April 29. 1678. Temple, ii. 445. May 7., by 137 to 92. (ib.) two, 176 to 174. - p. 970. The Carried by 166 to 150. Jan. 21. See anté, p. 271. address itself was carried only by ** Temple, ii. 446. Lingard, xiii. 50. 53. T 4 ately prorogued parliament for ten days*, and renewed his negotiations with Louis.t He soon concluded a secret treaty, engaging to withdraw his forces from the Continent, if the Dutch should not within two months accept Louis's terms. He was to disband all the newlyraised troops, except 6,000 men, to be reserved for Ostend and for Scotland.‡ These disgraceful stipulations did not form part of the treaty. But Danby was now a party to the whole arrangement. He attempted, however, to draw the affair into length, and to put off a conclusion §; and he obtained the king's leave to employ Temple in the negotiation, whom he knew to be unfavourable to all such proceedings. Temple || pretended to be sick, and would have no concern in the matter: but the duke of York recommended peace T, and the bargain was completed. When the parliament met after the prorogation**, the king, after reproaching the commons for their conduct in the former session, spoke thus of the state of affairs: "Since I asked your advice, the conjunctures abroad, and our distempers (which influenced them so much), have driven things violently on towards a peace. I am resolved, as far as I am able, to save Flanders, either by a war, or a peace, which way soever I shall find most conducing towards it, and that must be judged by circumstances, as they play from abroad. For my Mr. Secretary Williamson announced this prorogation to the charge d'affaires at the Hague, with great lamentations on the untoward behaviour of the commons, and its effect upon the Dutch plenipotentiaries, who fairly said that they could not advise the States to confide in a people so uncertain. The prorogation was ostensibly for the purpose of obtaining a decision from the States.Letters of May 7. and 17. 1678, in the StatePaper Office. + Dalrymple, i. 212. It would seem that Charles had by this time become so familiarised to the receipt of money from France, that he cared not who knew it. He desired Temple to negotiate with Barillon on this occasion, who declined, or rather evaded the commission, requesting Danby to represent "how much he was unsatisfied to be put upon a treaty that belonged not at all to his post, and which they knew that he thought dishonourable to the king; he proposed rather to resign his employments; but Danby would not take his message to the king.- Mem ii. 448. May 28. Dalrymple, i. 221. See Life of Temple, i. 514. Dalr. 222-227. **May 23. 1678. Sixteenth session, p. 977. Lingard, xiii. 53. Reresby, 63. 222-227. own part, I should think being armed were as necessary for peace as war." He set forth the necessity of a supply:-"I desire you will not drive me on to extremity, which must end all both for you and me, and (which is worst of all) for the nation, which we ought all to have equal care of; therefore, I desire we may prevent any disorders or mischiefs that may befall them by our disagreement; and in case they do, I shall leave it to God Almighty to judge between us who is the occasion of it." The speech of the lord keeper Finch contained an exposition of foreign affairs. The advances abroad towards a peace, he said, though hastened by recent events in England, had been long meditated there. The Dutch, perceiving that the Spaniards failed them in every point, resolved to lay hold of the first occasion of coming out of the war. Last year they solicited the king to obtain peace, and "would then have taken such a peace as they now seek.' The king thought that he had done great service to the Christian world, when he had settled with the Dutch the terms of a better peace, and had brought them into a league offensive and defensive, to obtain that peace by force, if it could not otherwise be had. And it then appeared probable, notwithstanding that the Dutch were inclined to the propositions made by the French at Nimeguen, that a stop would be put to the growth of the French power. But, so soon as it was heard abroad that this league had, at home, met with undeserved reflections, and they understood that a resolution was taken to give no money till satisfaction was obtained in matters of religion, "which in all countries are the longest debates that can be entered upon ;" and when the king had received an address, on which he had expressed his resentment," then all sides began to wish for peace, even Spain, as well as Holland, and, if the cessation which is endeavoured to be made upon it take effect, as in all likelihood it will, we may conclude that the peace will soon follow." He urged the necessity of being prepared for an hostile aggression even in time of peace from the mighty king to whom, by our prohibition of trade, and other 66 measures, we had given no small provocation." Urging the evil of divisions, he said, — "It has been so stale a project to undermine the government by accusing it of endeavouring to introduce popery and tyranny, that a man would wonder to see it taken up again. Have we forgotten, that religion and liberty were never truly lost, till they were made a handle and pretence for sedition ? Are we so ill historians as not to remember when prelacy was called popery, and monarchy tyranny; when the property of nobility and gentry was held to be destructive of liberty, and that it was a dangerous thing for one to have any sense of their duty and allegiance ? He appealed to the acts lately passed against popery, and (alluding apparently to expedients in lieu of exclusions) undertook for further measures for securing the protestant religion. In all that related to domestic politics it was the speech of a high cavalier; but Finch really had the best of the argument, when he traced the necessity of peace to the votes of the commons, and exposed the futility of the apprehensions of popery. It made however no impression upon the commons, who resolved that, if the king would go to war with France, they would support him in it; if not, they would disband the army. The king urged that the army must be kept up, and paid, at least till the 27th of July, the period of the proposed cessation. To this, the commons replied by a vote to disband all forces raised since September, except those employed on colonial service. But upon a second representation from the king, the period of disbanding the forces beyond sea was enlarged, by a very small majority §, to the 27th of July, and a provision was made accordingly. Although the government carried this point, they had not a de May 27. p. 983. + Page 984. † Message, May 28. Ib. Pages 985, 986. 990. Journ. 491, |