ralism; exciting the jealousy of one class of citizens; and encouraging the hope of office and its emoluments in others, and urging all to abandon the standard of an individual, and again unite with the great republican party in the state. These appeals produced an effect which disappointed the expectation even of the leaders of the party opposed to the governor; and the friends of the state administration could scarcely believe their own eyes, when they read the accounts, which proved beyond question or cavil, that a majority of the members of the assembly elect, were of the party in opposition to Mr. Clinton and his administration. Col. Young was elected from Saratoga, and Gen. Root from Delaware county. The following are the names of the senators elected this year: From the First District, Joshua Smith, 66 Second do., Peter R. Livingston, Eighth do., Ethan B. Allen. Messrs. Livingston, Stebbins and Hager were opposed, and the residue of the senators elected were in favor of supporting the administration of the governor. It is proper to remark, that both at this and the next year's election, the presidential question was entirely kept out of view by Mr. Van Buren, who had inculcated on his friends on that question the duty of "non-committalism;" and such was the address with which the leaders managed, and the effect of party discipline, that no person on that side of the question, who interfered with the election, uttered a single word either for or against the national administration. The sole and only question was between those who were for and those who were against Mr. Clinton. This statement may seem to contradict what I have said, that after the presidential election, the Albany Regency afforded evidence of a conciliatory disposition towards Mr. Clinton. But those who look deeply into the transactions of that day, will perceive that both statements may be, and are, true. While Mr. Van Buren desired to be on a better footing with Mr. Clinton, even politically, he still wished to strengthen himself. This he could not do in any other way than by endeavoring to increase the numbers of the old Bucktail party in the legislature and among the people; and he probably believed, that should it become necessary to act in concert with Mr. Clinton at the next presidential election, circumstances would occur which would afford him plausible reasons for doing so. At any rate, it would not injure, and might benefit him, to increase the number of his political friends upon old party grounds. Congress met on the first Monday of December. Of the members of the house of representatives, 193 out of 213 were present. They proceeded immediately to ballot for speaker, and on the first ballot there appeared, for Mr. John W. Taylor, of N. Y. 89 votes; J. W. Campbell, of Ohio, 41; Louis McLane, of Del. 36; A. Stevenson, of Va. 17; L. Condict, of N. J. 6; scattering, 5. Neither of the candidates having received the requisite number of votes to constitute an election, [97,] a second ballot was taken, which resulted as follows:-John W. Taylor, 99; John W. Campbell, 42; Louis McLane, 44; A. Stevenson, 5; Scattering, 3. Mr. Taylor having on this ballot a majority of all the votes, was declared duly elected. CHAPTER XXXII. FROM JANUARY 1, 1826, TO JANUARY 1, 1827 THE legislature met on the third day of January. At the usual caucus of the democratic members of the assembly on the evening preceding, Col. Young was nominated for speaker. From what took place the next morning, it is probable that Stephen Allen, a worthy and highly respectable member from the city of New-York, was supported in caucus in opposition to Mr. Young. My impression is, that the New-York members and some of the more ardent friends of the state road, advocated his nomination. He was, however, out-voted by the friends of Mr. Young. In the morning, when the house assembled, Mr. Allen having probably received an intimation that the Clintonians intended to vote for him as speaker, stated that he had been informed he was considered a candidate for speaker, and that some gentlemen had prepared ballots for him; but he was desirous to have it understood, if such was the fact, that it was without his consent. On being inquired of whether he would serve if elected, he replied that his "inclination was averse to it." The house then proceeded to a ballot, when Samuel Young had sixtyfive votes-Allen fifty-four, and there were three blanks. Edward Livingston was chosen clerk by a vote of sixtysix to fifty-five. The vote on the question of speaker probably shows nearly the relative strength of parties in the house. This assembly contained considerable talent. Of the Clintonian portion of that body, Francis Granger of Ontario, Theodore Till of Oneida, Aaron Vanderpool, of Columbia, and Samuel S. Lush of Albany, were among the most prominent. Mr. Granger had commenced his career in public life as a member of the last assembly, and he began now to discover those talents and that peculiar tact and address by which he was subsequently so much distinguished. On the other hand, Young, Root, Allen, Beardsley from Otsego, Woodcock from Tompkins, Cowles from Putnam, and Bucklin from Jefferson, were among the most talented and efficient of the democratic members. Mr. Woodcock had been a member of congress, but Beardsley, Cowles and Bucklin had never before been members of a legislative body. The governor's message was well written, but too long, though not so faulty in that respect as most of his other messages. Among other matters urged upon the legislature, was the necessity of further improvements in our common school system; and he recommended the establishment of seminaries for the especial purpose of instructing and fitting persons to become teachers of common schools. He also repeated his recommendation in favor of the construction, at the public expense, of a state road through the south-western tier of counties. These were the only new measures which he specifically recommended. He concluded with an earnest exhortation of an "union of all heads, all hearts and all hands," in efforts to advance the interest of our common country. Early in the session a bill providing for the election of a senator of the United States was introduced into the senate. The bill as drawn did not change the mode of proceeding in the choice as then by law established. Mr. Ogden offered an amendment, which directed that the two houses, instead of openly nominating, should by resolution respectively appoint such person for senator as they thought proper; that they should then meet and compare resolutions, and if the resolutions agreed, the person N named therein should be declared duly elected; if the two houses differed in their resolutions, then they were to elect by joint ballot. This did not, in substance, vary the law as it then was, but even this alteration, slight as it was, was rejected by a vote of sixteen to fourteen. Mr. Wright and others, who had the preceeding winter voted for the appointment of Tallmadge and Tracy by joint resolution, now voting in the negative. Strange, that in 1825 the position was a sound one, that the senate ought to possess equal power with the assembly, in case of a disagreement as to the person who ought to be elected United States senator, and that in 1826 the same position should be wrong. I have mentioned particularly Mr. Wright as being involved in this absurdity, because he has.ever since been in the public service, and has occupied, and now occupies, a distinguished and elevated standing as a man of talents and an able statesman. But in justice to him, it ought to be remarked, as I have somewhere before done, that he was then a young man, inexperienced in legislation, and that, although on the occasion to which I have referred, his conduct appears to have been disingenuous, he has, during many years of service as a senator of the United States, given proofs, not only of talent of the highest order, but, to say the least, of consistency and fearlessness as a legislator. A feeble attempt was made, by the friends of Mr. Albert H. Tracy, in some of the western papers, again to support him as a candidate for the United States senate. But Mr. Tracy must have soon discovered that those gentlemen who manifested a disposition friendly to his election when his name could be used to aid in the defeat of Chief Justice Spencer, had no inclination to sustain him after that object had been accomplished. Nathan Sanford, who was then chancellor, was nominated by a legislative caucus, and, after receiving that |