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The copy of the Constitution of the United States is believed to be strictly acco in text and punctuation, which, it is understood, can be said of only one other in print—that in the work known as Hickey's Constitution. The statement of differences between it and the Rebel Constitution has been made with extreme The common index to the two instruments shows, at a glance, wherein they d and will be found both interesting and convenient—the whole chapter posses special value to large classes of persons. In presenting the facts upon each subject of legislation, the general plan has b first, to state the result reached, with the final votes; and, then, such proceeding: the intermediate stages, as are of adequate importance, or necessary to explain position of Members. This preparation involved constant selection, concerning wi there may be differences of opinion—some thinking that too much detail on subject is given; others, too little of another. In all cases the rule stated, goveri As far as it has been possible to obtain the Rebel legislation on the same or responding subjects, it has been added, with such of their orders and proclamation were connected with them. A comparison of the two, and the dates of enactm or issue, will prove of service in dispelling delusions and correcting general misc ceptions. Besides the legislation proper, the volume contains, in a classified form, all Messages, Proclamations, Orders, Correspondence, and Addresses of the Preside the Diplomacy of the Secretary of State; valuable letters and papers from the Sec taries of the Treasury, of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and from the Postmas General; Opinions of the Attorney General upon commanding public questions; th of the Orders of Commanding Officers which are within the scope of the work; t Decisions of the Courts; and such other data as properly belong therein—the wh forming a multitudinous mass of facts, to any one of which the classification adopte and the copious index appended, will, it is hoped, make it easy to refer. The votes by Yeas and Nays have been carefully compared with the Offici Journals of Congress. In preparing these lists, the names of those persons have, f comparison's sake, been italicised, who were elected by, or were at the time general co-operating with, the Democratic party. All others are in roman. Under “Our Foreign Relations” will be found much of permanent value, as we as of current interest and dispute. The chapter on the “Conspiracy of Disunion” contains several very interestin documents, chief of which are the extract from U. S. Senator Maclay's journal 1789, recording, probably, the first threat of disunion uttered in Congress, and upo a subject which remained a matter of complaint in some quarters down to the perio of Secession; and the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Police Commissioners o Baltimore in 1861, one of the most flagrant as well as one of the latest outbursts o treason. Other portions of this chapter will richly bear examination. I greatly regret that want of space has required the omission of many other facts, gathered from our political history, tending to reveal the true character of this foul conspiracy against Liberty, this crime against humanity.

The lists of the organization of the Rebel “Provisional" and “Permanent” Government have been made up from every accessible source, and, though not complete, are more nearly so than any other yet published north of the Potomac, and as nearly so as present facilities afford. They are the result of careful and extensive examination. As a matter of interest, the names of those of the conspirators who were once members of the Congress of the Union have been put in italic.

This work was undertaken a few months ago without a realizing sense of the labor it involved. I can scarcely hope to have escaped errors, both of omission and commission, but have striven to make it fair, impartial, and truthful. It deals with the most momentous events of this Century, which will be studied while civil Government exists. I trust that the volume will be of service to those consulting it, and that its general effect will be to help strengthen the purpose of the American people to maintain their Unity, their Freedom, and their Power.

EDWARD MCPHERSON. August 11, 1864.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

I have revised the entire work, and corrected every error ascertained. fhe Appendix has expanded greatly beyond the original design. Much of the matter in it is quite inaccessible, and the delays and uncertainties of procuring it led almost insensibly to an enlargement, and also somewhat disturbed the methodical arrangement elsewhere preserved. The historic papers of the South Carolina Convention, as now printed, are from official copies, and differ very suggestively from current versions, in numerous material points. The votes on Secession Ordinances, and subsequently on the Extinction of Slavery, in several of the rebellious States, form a pleasing contrast.

The copious chapter on “The Church and the Rebellion ” has been gathered with great care, and will serve to show their mutual relations and influence, as well as the singularly diverse views which have prevailed in Church courts. The contributions from the Bureau of Military Justice illustrate the practical working of the Emancipation policy, and will amply justify attention. To the action of the last session of Congress, and the record of the Presidential canvass which preceded it—of the result of which an official tabular statement is furnished—every student of American politics will have constant occasion to refer. On the great unsettled question of Reconstruction, the full record is presented.

It would be improper, in issuing this enlarged, and it is hoped improved edition, not to express my thanks for the kind reception given the first by the Press and the Public.

March 24, 1865. EDWARD MCPHERSON.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

THE ELECToBAL AND PopULAB Vote Fob

PREsident, in 1860.......

DEVELoPMENT or the Secession Movement

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Action of Conventions in South Carolina, Geor-
gia, Mississippi, Florida, Louisiana, Alabama,
Arkansas, Texas, North Carolina, Tennessee,
Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri-Insurrec:
tionary Proceedings in the State of Maryland
—Inter-State Commissioners—Organization of
a “Southern Congress,” and Provisional Gov-
ernment—Address of South Carolina to the
Slaveholding States, her Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and Debates on them—Speech of
Alexander H. Stephens before the Georgia Legis-
lature, Nov. 14, 1860—Extracts from Addresses
by A. H. Stephens, July, 1859, and Jan., 1801;
James H. Hammond, October, 1858; and R. M.
T. Hunter, 1860–Extract from the Appeal for
Recognition, by Yancey, Rost, and Mann, and
Earl Russell's Reply–Seizure and Surrender of
Public Property,from November 4, 1800,to March
4, 1861—Changes in President Buchanan's Cab-
inet—Correspondence between President Buch-
anau and the South Carolina “Commission-
ers”—Demand for Surrender of Fort Sumter—
Report on the Transfer of Arms to the South
in 1859 and 1860—Davis's Bill for the Sale of
Government Arms to the States—How the Tel-
egraph aided Secession—Intrigues for a Pacific
Republic—Mayor Wood's Message Recommend-
ing that New York be unade a Free City—"Per-
sonal Liberty” Laws.

Peoceedings of The Gover NMENT IN RE-

LATIox To THE Action of The INsub-
REctionARY STATEs..........................

Names of the Senators and Representatives of
the Thirty-Sixth Congress, Second Session—
President Buchanan's Last Annual Message—
Attorney General Black's Opinion on the Powers
of the President—The House Committee of
Thirty-Three and their Proposition for Adjust-
ment, together with abstracts of all other propo-
sitions, and votes thereon—Votes on Resolutions
respecting the “Personal Liberty” Laws, the
Union, Major Anderson's Course, Coercion, Non-
Interference with Slavery, and on the Bill to
Suppress Insurrection, and to provide for the
Collection of Customs—Report of Committee
upon the Danger of the Capital, and Vote upon
Branch's Resolution to withdraw Troops from
the District of Columbia, with Secretary Holt's
Report—Disposition of the Navy, and Vote of
Censure upon Secretary Toucey—Propositions
in Con by Mason, Hunter, Clingman, Craige,
and others—Settlement of the Question of Sla-
very in the Teritories.

Tan Cossritution.................................

Constitution of the United States—Points of
Insference between It and the “Confederate.”
Constitution, with an Index to both—Speech of
Alexander H. Stephens, expounding the “Con-
federate” Constitution.

ADMINIsraation or ABBAHAM LINcoln....

President Lincoln's Inaugural Address—Secre-
tary Seward and the “Confederate Commis-
sioners,” with Statements of Judge Campbell
and Thurlow Weed—The President's #.
the Wirginia Delegation-Commencement of

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ADMINIsTRATION of ABRAHAM LINcolN–
Continued.

tilities against the United States, and Why—
The “War Power” called out—Call for 75,000
Men, and all subsequent Calls arranged in
Chronological Order—National Legislation on
Military Affairs—“Confederate” Legislation
and Proclamations and Orders—The Thirty-
Seventh Congress—President’s Message of July,
1861, December, 1861, and December, 1862—The
Thirty-Eighth Congress—Annual Message, 1863
—Amnesty Proclamation, and Circular of the
Attorney General–Proclamations concerning .
the Blockade, Non-Intercourse with States in Re-
#. aud declaring Boundaries of the Re-
eillon.

THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE................... 150

The Seward-Lyons Treaty—Vote in the Senate
upon bill to give it effect—Action of the “Con-
federate” Congress on Slave Trade—Jefferson
Davis's Veto thereof—Intercepted Despatch
from Judah P. Benjamin to L. Q. C. Lamar.

ARREst of Citizens, THE WRIT of HABEAs
CoRPUs, AND SUPPREssion of News-
PAPERS............................................. 153

Arrest of Members of the Maryland Legislature
and of the 13, ultimore Police Commissioners—
Orders of Gen. McClellan and Secretary Came-
ron—John Merryfan's Case and Chief Justice
Taney's Opinion—Attorney General Bates's
Opinion on the President's Power to Arrest and
to Suspend the Privilege of the Writ of Habeas
Corpus—Views of Horace Binney and Theophilus
Parsons–Case of C. L. Wallandigham; Decision |
of the Supreme Court therein; his Letter on
Retaliation; his return to Ohio, and Speech at
Isaimilton–Proclamation of the l’resident Sus-
pending the Privilege of the Writ of Habeas
Corpus—Indemnification of the President–De-
cision of the New York Supreme Court in the
Case of George W. Jones vs. W. II. Seward—
“Confederate” Legislation upon the suspension
of the Writ—Suppressions and Seizures of News-
papers, with the Proceedings of the Courts,
Congress, and the Post Oflice Department.

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