lates extravagance and perpetuates heavy taxation; for, from the effect such taxes have on the business, industries, and trade of the country, taxation becomes permanent, for fear a change may disturb these sensitive interests; and this generation is to-day paying taxes to which it never gave its consent through its representatives, but which was entailed upon it by a generation now dead and gone.

CHAPTER XXVI.

FREE TRADE.*

BY HON. JOHN G. CARLISLE.

R. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CLUB: I

Mwould be cold indeed if I were not profoundly Ꮇ

grateful for this very friendly reception. It is so much. more than I expected or had any right to expect, that I feel myself wholly unable to express my appreciation of it. am obliged to you also for the opportunity to say a few words in response to the toast which is announced. Although, of course, it will be impossible under the circumstances to do justice to the subject, and perhaps I shall not confine myself very closely to it. Certainly I shall not attempt to do more than call your attention to one or two of the most conspicuous advantages conferred upon the American people by the Union established in 1789.

THE FORMATION OF THE UNION.

The formation of that Union, peaceable and voluntary, under a Constitution which made such radical changes in the relations previously existing between the several States themselves and between them and the General Government, was undoubtedly one of the greatest political achievements of modern times. It is difficult to say which is the more entitled to our admiration, the statesmanship of the men

* The banquet of the Free Trade Club in New York, March 15, 1884.

who framed the Constitution, or the patriotism and intelligence of the people of the several States who ratified it and made it for themselves and posterity the supreme law of the land. It is, I think, safe to assert that in no other part of the world could such a fundamental change have been so peaceably made at that time, and perhaps it is equally safe to say that it could not have been made here twenty or thirty years later. Why and how this Union was formed are historical questions which it would be superfluous and, in fact, impossible to discuss upon this occasion. What benefits, what advantages it has yielded or conferred upon us, how its bonds shall be strengthened and the prosperity of all its parts increased and perpetuated, are questions which challenge our attention constantly.

"THE SKELETON OF A GOVERNMENT."

The old confederation possessed no means of sustaining itself. In fact, it was but a skeleton of a government. It had no power to impose taxes or to regulate commerce or to administer justice. It had but one of the essential departments of a real government-the Legislature — and even that was defective and almost impotent. Each State had the right to lay imposts and duties subject only to the condition that they should not interfere with treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress assembled, with foreign kings, princes, or States. There was no limitation whatever upon the power of any State to impose duties upon the products of any other American State brought within its limits for sale or consumption. For the purpose of raising a revenue or for the purpose of encouraging its own domestic manufactures the State of New York had full power to impose any rate of duty it might see fit to establish upon the products of New Jersey, and the State of New Jersey possessed the same power in respect to the products of New York. If the doctrine

of protection is what its friends claim, if its application to infant industries in new States enables them to overcome natural disadvantages and to secure a higher degree of prosperity than would otherwise be attainable, it must be admitted that the arrangement existing under the confederation was a wise one and ought never to have been disturbed.

THE "FATHERS" WERE FREE TRADERS.

But, gentlemen, the framers of the Constitution, the men who founded this federal Union, did not think so. They believed that free trade absolute free trade between the several States was imperatively demanded by the interests of the people. And accordingly they adopted this provis ion as a part of the Constitution without a single dissenting

vote:

"No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or duties upon imports or exports except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws, and the net proceeds of all duties or imposts levied by any State on imports or exports shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress."

It is true that Mr. George Clymer of Pennsylvania, said in the Convention while this subject was under consideration that "if the States have such different interests that they cannot be left to regulate their own affairs without encountering the interest of other States, it is proof that they are not fit to compose one nation." But he stood substantially alone in his opposition to this provision, and when the vote was taken not a single State was recorded against it.

CONSTITUTIONAL ORIGIN OF FREE TRADE.

Thus free trade was established by the Constitution, not only between the States then existing, but between all the States that might thereafter exist as members of the fede

ral Union-and I venture to believe, my friends, that the most ardent advocate of the protective system will admit that the wonderful growth and prosperity of this country are attributable to this provision more largely than to any other one thing. With free commercial intercourse between the States our own internal commerce has steadily and rapidly grown until it amounts to thousands of millions of dollars; more than one hundred and twenty thousand miles of railroad have been constructed, over which almost innumerable trains are constantly passing, carrying manufactured and other articles of commerce from State to State, while our great waterways are crowded with steamers and barges and other craft laden with the products of every part of the Union. The markets of New York are free as the markets of Philadelphia to the iron and steel and coal of Pennsylvania; as free as the markets of Savannah or Mobile or Charleston for the cotton and the fruits of the South.

THE RIVAL POLICIES ILLUSTRATED.

What a different picture this country presents from what it would have presented if the policy of restriction and protection had prevailed among the States as it has prevailed for so many years between the United States and foreign nations. Under the liberal policy established by the Constitution our means of internal communication and transportation have increased and are still increasing, while under the restrictive and obstructive policy of Congress our merchant marine, once the source of pride and profit, has almost disappeared from the seas, and unless something can be done to arrest its further decline it will disappear entirely. Free commercial intercourse between the States has increased trade, promoted the development of our resources, fostered agriculture and manufactures, and added untold millions to the wealth of the people; while the protective system maintained by Congressional legislation has, to a large extent at