482 The Monthly Catalogue, for September, 1733. 25. A new Crop of Blockheads. A Court Ballad. Sold by J. Dormer, price 6d. 26. The Beau and the Academick. A DiaJogue in Imitation of Bellus Homo & Acade. micus, fpoken at the late Publick Act at Oxford. Addreffed to the Ladies. Printed for J. Roberts, price 6d. POLITICAL. 27. A Word to the Freeholders and Bur- 29. The Landed Intereft confider'd. Be- 30. A Political Lecture, occafion'd by a late Political Catechifm, addrefs'd to the Freeholders. Printed for T. Cooper, price 4d. 31. A Letter to the Freeholders, &c. of Great Britain, concerning their Duty before and after the Election of their Reprefentatives. With the Characters of feveral Statefmen and Political Writers. Printed for J. Roberts, price 6d. 32. A Letter to the Craftsman, on the Game of Chefs; occafion'd by his Paper of the 15th of Sept. 1733. Pecle, price 6d. Printed for . SERMONS. 33. Sermons and Difcourfes on practical Subjects. By Robert Mofs, D. D. late Dean of Ely, and Preacher to the Hon. Society of Gray's-Inn. Published from the Originals at the Request of the faid Society. Vol. 5th and laft. Printed for T. Ofborne, 8vo, price 65. 34 Chriftianity fhewn to be prov'd and fupported by a fufficient Evidence, and all extraordinary Evidence to be unnecessary and improper: A Sermon preached at the triennial Vifitation of the Right Rev. Father in God Richard, Lord Bifhop of Lincoln, held at St. Paul's in Bedford, on Monday the 25th of June, 1733. By Lewis Monoux, M. A. Rector of Sandy in Bedfordshire. Published at the Request of his Lordship and the Clergy. Printed for T. Ofborne, price 6d. *A 35. A Sermon preached at the Ordination of Mr. Daniel Stevens, in White-street in Southwark, May 30, 1733. By Peter Goodwin. With Mr. Stevens's Confeffion of Faith. To which is added, an Exhortation delivered on that Occafion, by Abraham Taylor. Printed for R. Hett, price 6d. THEOLOGICAL. Families, with Regard to the good Education, 36. The Duty of Parents, and Masters of and fober Demeanor of their Children and Servants. By Clement Ellis, M. A. late Rector of Kerby in Nottinghamshire. Printed for C. Rivington, price 15. or 10s. per Dozen to thofe who give them away. * munium, & Adminiftrationis Sacramentorum, 37. Liturgia: Seu Liber Precum Comaliorumque Rituum & Ceremoniarum in Ecclefia Anglicana receptus: Itemque Formal & Epifcopos, Prefbyteros, & Diaconos. EpistoModus Creandi, Ordinandi, & Confecrandi quinta, prioribus longe emendatior. Impenfis læ, Evangelia, & Pfalmi inferuntur juxta Sebaftiani Caftelionis Verfionem ; Editio J. J. & P. Knapton, J. & J. Bonwicke, J. Ofborne & T. Longman, B. Motte, S. Birt, T. Ward & E. Wick fteed, 12mo, price 35. 38. A Defence of the most effential Articles of Chriftian Belief, against the Cavils of modern Atheifts and Infidels, particularly the Writings of the late Mr. C----ns, and the late Matthew Tindal, Doctor of Laws. In a Letter to a Friend. Sold by the Book-' fellers of St. Paul's Church-Yard, and the Pamphlet Shops of London and Westminster, price 15. Antiquity of his Perfon, as God-Man, be39. The Redeemer's Glory unveil'd: Or, the Excellency of Chrift vindicated, in the fore the World began; being an Explication of the Mystery which was kept secret from the Beginning of the World, wherein are unfolded the Doctrine of the Pre-existence of the Soul of Jefus Chrift, and the Glory of the Elect in their vital Union to him, &c. being a Reprehenfion of this degenerate Age. By Samuel Stockell, Paftor of a Church of Chrift in London. Sold by J. Marshall, price 6d. 35. 40. Christianity older than the Creation; or, the Gospel the fame with Natural Religion. By George Johnston. Printed for J. Noon, price 1s. (All written by the learned Dr. Thomas Burnet, late Mafter of the Charter-houfe) This Day was published, TREATISE concerning the State of DEPARTED SOULS. Before, at, and after the Refurrection. Tranflated in English by Mr. Dennis, price 45. price 55. II. The Faith and Duties of Chriftians, a Treatife, in eight Chapters. Tranflated into English by Mr. Dennis, Tractatus, Adjicitur Appendix de Futura Judæorum Reftauratione, price 6 s. IV. ArchæoJogie Philofophicæ. Sive Doctrina Antiqua de Rerum Originibus. Libri Duo. Editio SeIII. De Statu Mortuorum & Refurgentium cunda, Accedunt ejufdem Epiftolæ Dux de Archæalogiis Philofophicis, price 6 s. Fide & Officiis Chriftianorum. Liber Pofthumus. Editio Secunda, price 4 s. Printed for A. Bettefworth and C. Hitch, at the Red-Lion in Pater-Nofter-Row. v. De THE LONDON MAGAZINE. OCTOBER, 1733. PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES in the laft Seffion of PARLIA MENT; continued from Page 447. A FTER the D- of The Noble Duke, My I was glad, My Lords, to hear that Noble Duke allow, that the Militia might be put upon fuch a Footing as to be useful for our Defence: This I fhould be glad to fee done; because I think it the only Defence, next to our Fleet, we can with any Safety truft to; and as there is no Man more capable than he, I wish he would give us his Thoughts on that` Subject; I am fure he can offer nothing but what will be well received and readily agreed to. As to the Expence of keeping our Militia under a proper Difcipline, I do not think it of any Confideration in the prefent Question; if it fhould amount to much more than we now pay for maintaining our Regular Army, it would be an Argument of no Weight with me against the Scheme; for I am fure if the Expence were greater, our Power would be rentdered in Proportion much more extentive, and our Liberties much more fecure. If, My Lords, the Militia were to be put on fuch a Footing as to be really useful for the C Defence of our Country, it is not to be fuppofed, that the People would grumble at any Charge they were put to upon fuch a neceffary and reafonable Account. The many Loads they have quietly fubmitted to of late Years; fhew us, that they are not apt to grumble, when they are convinced of the Reafon of the Thing; but at prefent they know, that the Militia are of no publick Ufe, that the drawing them out to Exercife tends to no End but that of putting Money in the Pockets of the Officers; and therefore they grumble when they find themselves put to any Expence on fuch an unprofitable Account. Tho' the Militia be under the Command of the King, tho' their Officers be all named by the King, yet under fuch a Military Forte, our Liberties muft be fafe: The Militia of the Kingdom are the People, and it is impoffible to make use of the People for oppreffing the Liberties of the People; but a Standing Army of Regular Forces foon begin to look on themselves as a Body diftinct from the People and if the People in general neglect the Ufe of Arms, and truft entirely to fuch a Military Force, the King, who has the abfolute Command over them, may easily fall upon Ways and Means to make use of them for oppreffing the Liberties of the People; by granting particular Favours to fuch a Military Force, and by preferving the Affections of a few Men bred up to Arms, he may do whatever he pleases with the Multitude who have Dneither Arms in their Hands, nor any Knowledge how to use them if they had. What the Noble Duke faid as to Auxiliaries is certainly true; thofe who truft entirely to Auxiliaries for their Defence, muft always be Slaves to thofe in whom they truft: It is, My X X X Lords, 454 PROCEEDINGS, &c. in the laft Seffion of Parliament. Lords, for this very Reafon that I am against I believe it never was faid, that a Standing B A Standing Army must therefore, My Lords, be dangerous to the Liberties of every Country. In fome free Countries there may be at least a Shew of Reason for their fubmit- D ting to fuch a Danger, but in this Country there cannot be any; we have a Fleet fuperior to that of any of our Neighbours, and we know how difficult it is for any to invade us with a confiderable Force; fuch Designs muft always be difcovered long before they can be ready for Execution; and as long as we preferve a fuperior Fleet, we fhall always have it in our Power to prevent it; but granting that they fhould by any ftrange Fatality or Negli gence, efcape our Fleets at Sea, yet still we hould have Time to prepare for their Reception; if our Militia be always kept under a proper Difcipline, they will be fufficient for our Defence against any Power, as long as the King is poffefied of the Affections of the People in general, and thote he can never lofe fo F readily as by defpifing the People, and trusting entirely to his Standing Army. As for thofe finall Invafions which the Noble Duke has mention'd, what tho' they had landed? What would have been the Confequence? I hope, My Lords, it is not to be imagined, notwithstanding the contemptible State to which our Militia has been reduced, that this Country is to be conquered by 6 or 7000 Men. Even the late K. William, tho' he had escaped the English Fleet, where it is fuppofed he had a good many Friends, tho' he had double that Number of Men, and tho' he et all his Troops landed upon the English G Shore, yet, My Lords, upon his feeing fo few come in to join him upon his firft Landing, he was very near going off again. It is not an eafy Matter to bring about a Revolution against an established Government; but it is. ftill much more difficult to come in as Conand populous Country as this is. And if the querors, and pretend to fubdue fuch a powerful great King William, who came to relieve us from Slavery and Oppreffion, who brought along with him fo great an Army and fo powerful a Fleet; if he, I fay, was fo doubtful of Succefs upon his firft landing, what have we to fear from any fmall Invafion? Surely from fuch the Nation can never have any Thing to James's, may have to fear from fuch small fear, whatever fuch a Government as K. Invafions encouraged, called in and fupported by the Generality of our People at home. This is a Cafe which I hope never will again happen; it is a Case against which we are not to provide, and for thefe Reafons I fhall be for agreeing to the Reduction propofed. any but legal Orders, I do not know, My As to our Armies not being obliged to obey Lords, whether it be fo or not; but in my Opinion, the Noble Duke has given us a good Hint for an Amendment to the Bill; this Word Legal, ought to be put in, and then in Cafe of any Difobedience to fuch Orders, a Council of War would certainly have it in their Power to examine first into the Legality fome Doubt as the Bill stands at present; it of the Orders given, as to which there may be may be at least alledged that as the Bill now ftands the Council of War would be obliged to pafs Sentence against the Soldiers for Mutiny, whatever they might afterwards do with the Officer who gave the illegal Orders. Ld Ct. and have fo fully anfwered all Objections against fo well in Favour of the Reduction propofed, So many Lords have spoke it, that I fhould not have given your Lordships any Trouble on this Occafion, if it had not been that I now find, that not only a Standing Army, but an Army of the full Number we have at prefent, feems to be made a Part of our Conftitution: The old Pretence of continuing the fame Number of Forces for one Majefty in his Speech told us that the Publick Year longer, feems now to be laid afide: His Tranquillity was now fo fully established, that he had no other Reafon for calling us together but only for the ordinary Difpatch of the Publick Bufinefs; and must this, My Lords, be looked on as a Part of the ordinary Business of the Year? Muft the continuing of a Standing Part of that Bufinefs which is yearly to pass of Army of 18,000 Men in Time of Peace be a courfe in Parliament? It has been a long Time continued from Year to Year, but if it once comes to be an Affair which is yearly to pafs of Courfe, wherein will it differ from thofe Standing Armies by which the Liberties of other Countries have been undone ? A A Standing Army alone may not perhaps be fufficient for bringing fo great a Misfortune upon a People; there must be other Caufes concurring; but it may be averred, that in all Countries where arbitrary Power and abject Slavery have been introduced, the fatal Change has been owing to a numerous Standing Army, a great Number of Officers A of the Revenue, and a proftitute Clergy; and even these concurring together, myft require fome Time before they can get the Better of the Liberties of a brave People: The Army must be fo long kept up, and fo modelled, as to be entirely dependent on the Crown; it is not to be fuppofed, that the Officers and Soldiers of an Army raised from among a free People, can be immediately di- B vefted of all thofe Notions of Liberty with which they were endowed when they firft lifted; but if they have a brave and cunning Commander, this may be done in a few Years, the Generality of them may be foon made regardless of every Thing but the Will of him who can prefer them to a fuperior Command: A large Revenue and many Officers cannot be at once established upon a free People, this must be done by flow Degrees, and requires many plaufible Pretences: And it is to be hoped that the Honour and Virtue of the Clergy would ftand fome little Shock, they could not at once be brought to that Degree of Prostitution which is necessary for the Eftablishment of arbitrary Power. C more apt to increase both the Revenue and the Army than to diminish either; and if an ambitious Prince fhould fucceed to the Crown, fupported by fuch a numerous Standing Army as what is now propofed, fo long kept up as to have formed themselves into a different B. dy from the People, and with fuch a Crowd of Officers of the Revenue as we have at prefent, all depending upon him and removeable at his Pleasure, what may he not do? I am furprized, My Lerds, to hear it faid, that Standing Armies have had no Hand in overturning the Liberties of Europe. It is true that the most numerous Army cannot be dangerous to the Liberties of any Country, as long as it depends on a great many Heads; an Army can never be dangerous, till it comes to be entirely dependent on one Man, which it generally does when it is long kept up, more efpecially if any one Man comes to get the whole Power into his Hands both of paying the Army, and of naming and preferring the feveral Officers employed therein. Julius Cæfar had too long a Head not to be fenfible of this, and therefore he procured himself to be fent into Gaul; there he continued for feveral Years at the Head of numerous conquering Armies, and having get into his own Hands both the Power of paying and preferring in his Army, he foon managed it fo as to make them entirely obedient to him; then he commanded them to march against, and with them he conquered his Country. If Side, the Confequence could not have been the fame; tho' a Civil War had broke out, the Armies newly raised by each Side muit have had a Dependance upon a great many Chiefs, and which ever Side had got the Victory, the Chiefs would have taken Care of the Liberties of their Country; they would have fettled them upon the antient Foundation, or upon a better, if any better could have been contrived. At prefent, My Lords, we may depend D there had been no Standing Armies of either upon his Majefty; we are convinced that he will not attempt to encroach upon our Liberties; we may likewife depend on it, that our prefent Army would not fupport any fuch Measures, were they to be attempted; his Majefty has been fo good as to employ Men as Officers in the Army, whofe Honour and Integrity we may depend on ; but we are not fure of having always a King fo wife and good, or an Army of fo much Virtue and Honour ; and under the best of Kings we ought to provide against the worst. I do not fay, My Lords, we are now in any immediate Danger of lofing our Liberties, but I fay, we are getting into that Way by which the Liberties of every Country have been undone; we are establishing the Custom of keeping up a Standing Army in Time of Peace; we are every Year increafing the Number of the Officers of the Revenue; what will the Confequence be? I tremble to think of it! We are not indeed under any Danger while his prefent Majefty lives: But will not every fucceeding King fay, why will you treat me worfe than my Predeceffor? Why will you refufe me that Number of Regular Forces, or that Revenue which in the fame Circumftances you granted to my Father? And we well know, My Lords, how complaifant Parliaments generally are in the Beginning of a Reign; they are generally E F G In Spain it was likewife by fuch an Army that their Liberties were deftroyed; the Inquifition, it is true, was fet up much about the fame Time, and in all Countries an Inquifition of fome Kind or another generally accompanies arbitrary Power; there may be Courts of Inquifition with Regard to civil Affairs as well as religious, and all Inquifitions are at firft eftablished on fome plautible Pretence. The banishing of the Moors and Jews, was the Ptetence made ufe of by Ferdinand then King of Spain, but the Extending of his own Power was the latent and chief Reafon: The Inquifition was not, however, the chief Caufe of the Lofs of the Spanih Liberties, it was only a Confequence; for before the Setting up thereof, he had got the abfolute Command of a great Army, which had been kept up for feveral Years under Pretence of their War with Portugal, X X X 2 whos whofe then King laid Pretenfions to the Crown of Spain; and by keeping his Country in continual Wars, he found Pretences to keep up a great Standing Army, with which, it is true, he conquered and banished the Moors, but he therewith likewife conquered the Liberties of his Country; and the Chains of the People were foon after rivetted by a Prieft, a Cardinal Prime Minifter, who compleated the cruel Work which Ferdinand by his Army had 10 fuccefsfully begun. A D In France too, My Lords, it was by Standing Armies chiefly that their Liberties were undone; it was not, indeed, by Armies modelled as they have them at prefent, but it was by altering the antient Military Force of the Kingdom; was by their King's taking B the Army à la Solde, as they call it; for antiently the Military Force of that Kingdom depended chiefly on the Nobility or great Princes; their Armics were composed of the Troops fent to the general Rendezvous by the feveral Princes of the Kingdom, who generally paid their respective Tioops; or if at any Time they had them maintained at the Publick C Charge, yet each Prince retained in his own Hands the naming and preferring the Officers employed in his Troops, and therefore no one Man could ever procure to himself an abfolute Command over the Armies of that Kingdom; but at last this laudable Cuftom was laid afide, the King got into his own Hands the whole Power of raifing and paying the Armies to be employed for the Defence of the Kingdom; and tho' for feme Time after he had no Money for that Purpose but what was given him by the States of France, yet we may really look upon this Change as the Beginning of the French Slavery. However, for a long Time after this, the Kings of France could never prevail with their States to provide them with Money for continually keeping up a numerous Standing Army; their Armies were raised only when they had Occafion for them, and as foon as the Danger was over they were difmiffed; and yet, My Lords, they had forfome Part of that Time a Pretender to their Crown; our Edward IId. then claimed to be King of France, and he, My Lords, was a very terrible retender; yet even by that imminent Danger they were then expofed to, they could not be induced to keep up a Standing Army; they never had any Thing but Militia, or Troops raifed as Occafion required, and with thefe they at laft banished the English quite out of their Kingdom. But as foon as the Kings of France got thus free of an Enemy within the Bowels of their Kingdom, they took Occafion of every foreign War to encroach a little further on the Liberties of their Subjects, to multiply Taxes and Tax-Gatherers upon them, and to get the Armies of the Kingdom more and more Ender their Command: In all which they E F fucceeded beyond Expectation, by a most stu pid Indolence that then reigned among the Nobility of France, and yet that Nation ftill retained fome Remains of Liberty, till a Priest, Cardinal Richlieu by Name, gave their Liberties the laft Stab. He indeed was a great Minifter, and a great Politician, tho' he oppreffed the Subject at home, yet he not only fupported but railed the Grandeur of the Nation abroad; he committed no Blunders in his Administration, nor did he fubmit to any foreign Power in the Treaties or Negotiations he had with them; and we may remember that in his Political Teftament, he left it as a Maxim, that the King cught never to part with any Tax he has once got established, even tho' he has no Uie for the Money, because by giving up the Tax he lofes the Officers employed in the collecting thereof. This great Prime Minister was fucceeded by another Priest, a foreign Prieft, who had all his bad Qualities but none of his good; fo that by his Misconduct France was foon involved in a Civil War, and it is faid that one of the greatest Men of France at that Time, and one of the greatest Generals of the Age, told the Queen Regent, that the had a Fellow at the Head of her Affairs who for his Crimes deferved to be tugging at the Oar in one of her Gallies. But the arbitrary Power of the King of France had by his Predeceffor been to firmly established, that it could not be thaken even by the many Blunders he was guilty of; the Nation however was not yet rendered fo tame, but that it was a long while before they would quietly fubmit to that Cardinal's Adminiftration; and we must allow that even but lately there has a noble Spirit of Liberty broke forth in that Country, fuch a Spirit of Liberty, My Lords, as might probably reinstate the People in the full Enjoyment of their former Liberties, if it were not for the great Standing Army now kept up in that Country. In Denmark, My Lords, it was their Nobles that were the Occafion of the Loss of their Liberties; they had, for fome Time thrown the whole Weight and Charge of the Government off of themselves, and had laid it on the Necks of the Commons; the whole ExPence of the Publick they had for fome Time raifed by Taxes which fell chiefly upon the poor People, and to which they contributed but a Trifle; and the Commons being quite tired out with thefe Oppreffions, refolved at laft to put the whole Power into the Hands of their Sovereign; fo that whilst the Nobles were fitting and contriving Ways and Means how to load the poor Tradefmen and Manufacturers G with fuch Taxes as did not much affect them, they were fent for to the Caftle, and there were obliged to join in that Deed by which an abfolute Power was put into the Hands of the King, who could not make a worse Use of it than they had done: This was the Me thed |