ral constitution placed the political affairs of the United States on a permanent basis, and since that period, learning has flourished.

In 1791, the university of Vermont was established at Burlington; Williams' College, Massachusetts, in 1793; Union College, at Schenectady, New-York, and Greenville College, Tennessee, in 1794; Bowdoin College, at Brunswick, in Maine, 1796. An historical society was formed in Massachusetts, in 1791, and incorporated in 1794. It has published twelve volumes of documents, designed to illustrate the past and present state of the country.

REFLECTIONS.

Sec. 48. A short time since, we were occupied in considering the United States struggling for independence, under Washington, as a leader of their armies. Under his guidance, we saw them triumph, and become a free nation. We have also seen them, with Washington at the head of the convention, forming our excellent constitution. We now see them, with Washington their chief magistrate, taking their place among the sovereignties of the earth, and launching forth on the full tide of successful experiment.

Under Washington, as our leader, we won our independence; formed our constitution; established our government. And what reward does he ask for services like these? Does he ask a diadem? Does he lay his hand upon our national treasury? Does he claim to be emperor of the nation that had risen up under his auspices? No-although “first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen,' he sublimely retires to the peaceful occupations of rural life, content with the honor of having been instrumental in achieving the independence, and securing the happiness of his country.

There is no parallel in history to this! By the side of Washington, Alexander is degraded to a selfish destroyer of his race; Cesar becomes the dazzled votary of power; and Bonaparte, a baffled aspirant to universal dominion.

Washington has been the theme of eulogy in every nation. "His military successes," it has been well said, "were more solid than brilliant, and judgment, rather than enthusiasm, regulated his conduct in battle. In the midst of the inevitable disorder of camps, and the excesses inseparable from civil war, humanity always found a refuge in his tent. In

the morning of triumph, and in the darkness of adversity, he was alike serene; at all times tranquil as wisdom, and simple as virtue. After the acknowledgment of American independence, when the unanimous suffrages of a free people called him to administer their government, his adminis tration, partaking of his character, was mild and firm at home; noble and prudent abroad."*

* Inchiquin's Letters.

UNITED STATES.

PERIOD VIII.

DISTINGUISHED FOR ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION.

Extending from the inauguration of President Adams, 1797, to the inauguration of Thomas Jefferson, as president of the United States, 1801.

Sec. 1. On the 4th of March, 1797, Mr. Adams, in the presence of the senate, of the officers of the general and state governments, and a numerous concourse of spectators, took the oath of office, as president of the United States.

The condition of the country, at the close of Washington's administration, and the commencement of Mr. Adams', was greatly improved from that of 1789, the period at which the former entered upon his office.

At home, a sound credit had been established; an immense floating debt had been funded in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the creditors, and an ample revenue had been provided. Those difficulties, which a system of internal taxation, on its first introduction, is doomed to encounter, were completely removed; and the authority of the government was firmly established.

Funds for the gradual payment of the debt had been provided; a considerable part of it had actually been discharged; and that system which is now operating its entire extinction, had been matured and adopted. The agricultural and commercial wealth of the nation had increased beyond all former example. The numerous tribes of Indians, on

the west, had been taught by arms and by justice, to respect the United States, and to continue in peace.

Abroad, the differences with Spain had been accommodated. The free navigation of the Mississippi had been acquired, with the use of New-Orleans, as a place of deposit for three years, and afterwards, until some equivalent place should be designated.

Those causes of mutual exasperation, which had threatened to involve the United States in a war with the great est maritime and commercial power in the world, had been removed; and the military posts which had been occupied within their territory, from their existence as a nation, had been evacuated. Treaties had been formed with Algiers and Tripoli, and no captures appear to have been made by Tunis; so that the Mediterranean was opened to American

vessels.

This bright prospect was, indeed, in part, shaded by the discontents of France. But the causes of these discontents, it had been impossible to avoid, without surrendering the right of self-government. Such was the situation of the United States at the close of Washington's, and the commencement of Adams' administration.

Sec. 2. Just before Washington retired from office, learning that France meditated hostilities against the United States, by way of depredations on her West India commerce, he had recalled Mr. Monroe, then minister to that court, and despatched Gen. C. C. Pinckney, minister plenipotentiary, to adjust existing differences.

Immediately upon succeeding to the presidency, Mr. Adams received intelligence that the French Republic had announced to Gen. Pinckney its determination, "not to receive another minister from the United States, until after the redress of grievances," &c.

On the receipt of this intelligence, the president issued his proclamation to convene congress on the 15th of June. In his speech on that occasion, having stated the indignity offered the United States by France, in refusing to receive

her minister, the president, in the tone of a high-minded and independent American, urged congress "to repel this indignity of the French government, by a course, which shall convince that government and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and a sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest."

Notwithstanding this language, the president still retained a desire for peace. Upon his recommendation, three envoys extraordinary, C. C. Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall, were appointed to the French Republic, to carry into effect the pacific dispositions of the United States.

Sec. 3. For a considerable time, no certain intelligence reached the country respecting the negotiations at Paris. At length, in the winter of 1798, letters were received from the American envoys, indicating an unfavorable state of things; and in the spring, despatches arrived, which announced the total failure of the mission.

Before the French government would acknowledge the envoys, money, by way of tribute, was demanded in explicit terms of the United States. This being refused, an attempt was next made to excite the fears of the American ministers for their country and themselves. The immense power of France was painted in glowing colors, the humiliation of the house of Austria was stated, and the conquest of Britain was confidently anticipated. In the friendship of France alone, they were told, could America look for safety.

During these transactions, occasion was repeatedly taken to insult the American government; open war was continued to be urged by the cruisers of France on American commerce; and the flag of the United States was a suffi