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AID OF VERGENNES; BEAUMARCHAIS.

ness for the American cause, however, no obstructions of any kind would be placed in the way of such shipments. He said that the custom-house officials had not been informed as to the secret intentions of the court, and if Deane experienced any difficulty whatever in transporting his merchandise through the custom-houses, he should report it immediately to the court and such obstructions would be removed immediately. Deane was to consider himself under the immediate protection of the ministry, and if the police or any other officials should in any way, shape or manner interfere with his movements, such interference should be reported to the ministry and everything would be immediately cleared away. Deane was to be perfectly free to carry on any kind of commerce in the kingdom which was permissible to the subjects of any other nation of the world, for the court had resolved to remain strictly neutral and to allow the ports to be free and open to both parties alike, excepting, of course, in contraband of war. On the subject of independence, however, Vergennes declined to commit himself definitely, as he deemed this matter too uncertain

at the present time for consideration, and that it was a subject which might be considered in the far distant

future.*

See Deane's letter of August 18, 1776, to the Committee of Secret Correspondence, in Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. ii., p. 112, and Franklin's and Deane's letters of March 12, 1777, in ibid, vol. ii., p. 283; Tower, Marquis de LaFa

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87

When Deane arrived in Paris, he found that the Revolutionary cause was in a fair way to receive aid of a substantial nature. Through his untiring efforts Franklin's friend, Dr. Duborg, had secured about 15,000 stand of arms from the royal arsenals, and probably would have been able to secure some brass cannon by the same method, had not " the circumstance of their bearing the king's arms and cipher made them too discoverable." The most important of the early friends of the colonies, however, was Pierre Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais, one of the most unique characters in French history of that time. Originally of low birth and by occupation a watchmaker, he had developed great business talents, and by several important operations had become possessed of a fortune and secured a standing among the nobility. He had a talent for music and was well known as an operatic composer and author. His various accomplishments, both in finance and literature, together with his daring as a speculator, highly

recommended him to the court and he soon became a favorite of the king. He early suggested that he be appointed secret agent of the French government to furnish material aid to

the revolted colonies of the traditional enemy of France, and to further his plans went to London to enlist the aid of Arthur Lee of Virginia, who had

yette, vol. i., pp. 144 et seq., 298 et seq.; Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 189 et seq.

88

RODERIQUE HORTALEZ ET CIE.

succeeded Franklin as agent for the colony of Massachusetts.* The secret nature of the scheme of Beaumarchais is witnessed by the following letter from Count de Vergennes to the king, dated May 2, 1776, two months before the arrival of Deane:

"Sire: I have the honor of laying at the feet of your Majesty the writing authorizing me to

furnish a million of livres for the service of the English colonies. I add also the plan of an answer I propose to make to the Sieur Beaumarchais. I solicit your approbation to the two propositions.

The answer to M. de Beaumarchais will not be written in my hand, nor even that of either the clerks or secretaries of my office. I shall employ for that purpose my son, whose handwriting cannot be known. He is only fifteen years old, but I can answer in the most positive manner for his discretion. As it is important that this operation should not be suspected, or at least imputed to the government, I entreat Your Majesty to allow me to direct the return of the Sieur Montaudoin to Paris. The apparent pretext for that proceeding will be to obtain from him an account of his correspondence with the Americans, though in reality it will be for the purpose of employing

him to transmit to them such funds as Your Majesty chooses to appropriate to their benefit, directing him, at the same time, to take all necessary precautions, as if, indeed, the Sieur Montaudoin made the advance on his own account. On this

head, I take the Tiberty of requesting the orders of Your Majesty. Having obtained them, I shall write to the Marquis de Grimaldi [Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs], inform him in detail of our proceedings, and request his coöperation to the same extent."

Having obtained the assent of the king to his scheme, the pathway was made smooth for Beaumarchais. When Deane arrived in Paris, Beaumarchais immediately put himself into communication with Deane and thus

*For details see Hale, Franklin in France, vol. i., chap. iii.; Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., pp. 424-432; Pitkin, Political and Civil History of the United States, vol. i., pp. 402–422.

relief for the American army was obtained much sooner than had Deane been compelled to conduct the negotiations alone.* In September, 1776, Deane wrote to Robert Morris, "I shall send you in October clothing for 20,000 men, 30,000 muskets, 100 tons gunpowder, 200 brass cannon, 24 mortars, with shot, shell, etc. in proportion." Furthermore, he obtained

credit to the amount of $2,500,000. Meanwhile, after the king had definitely given his approval to the scheme of Beaumarchais, it was agreed that a mercantile house, under the name of "Roderique Hortalez et Cie.," should be established to "sell" to the colonies military supplies which France could not send them, without violating the rules of neutrality. This firm established itself on a prominent street in Paris in a house formerly occupied as an embassy of the Netherlands government. The head of the house was supposed to have been a Spanish banker, but he was never seen, and all confidential inquiries were answered. by Beaumarchais. The French government supplied 1,000,000 livres, and on its endorsement, the Spanish government advanced 1,000,000, more, chiefly because of her hatred to the British. When Deane arrived, therefore, he was officially refused any assistance, but was semi-officially referred to Beaumarchais who imme

* John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 307.

Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii., p. 148.

COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO PREPARE TREATY.

diately delivered to Deane whatever he wished upon security of the shipment of cargoes of tobacco or other American produce.* It is estimated that during the existence of this firm, from 1776 to 1783, its disbursements amounted to more than 21,000,000 livres, the greater part of which was advanced for the American cause. Beaumarchais, however, had much difficulty in securing a settlement of his accounts from the Continental Congress, which was probably due to the enmity of Arthur Lee, who, because of his hatred of both Beaumarchais and Deane, sent to Congress reports which cast doubt upon the correctness of the accounts rendered. Consequently, Beaumarchais was unable to effect a settlement up to the time of his death (1779), and for many years after the subject was discussed at length in Congress, but finally, by the treaty of 1831, it was agreed that out of the sum to be paid by the United States, 800,000 francs should be given to the heirs of Beaumarchais.

The fictitious nature of the business of this firm was too thin to remain long unpenetrated by the British ambassador in France, but it served its purpose as a temporary expedient of the French government before an open alliance with the colonies could be effected and made public.

It had become apparent to Congress early in the war that France must ere

15.

*Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy, p.

*

89

was

long openly espouse its cause. John
Adams had urged that steps should be
immediately taken to effect a treaty
with that nation, and was very persist-
ent in advocating this policy, saying,
"Some gentlemen doubted of the
sentiments of France, though she
would frown upon us as rebels, and be
afraid to countenance the example. I
replied to these gentlemen, that I ap-
prehended they had not attended to
the relative situation of France and
England; that it was the unquestion-
able interest of France that the
British continental colonies should be
independent; that Britain, by the con-
quest of Canada and her naval
triumphs during the last war, and by
her vast possessions,
exalted to a height and preeminence
that France must envy and could not
endure. But there was more than
pride and jealousy in the case. Her
rank, her consideration in Europe,
and even her safety and independ-
ence, were at stake." Congress finally
yielded to the arguments of Adams,
and in June, 1776, appointed Franklin,
Adams, Robert Morris, Dickinson and
Harrison a committee to prepare a
formal treaty to be proposed to for-
eign powers. On July 10 the com-
mittee reported a plan, which, after
being submitted and approved by
Congress, was adopted September 17.
This was chiefly the work of John
Adams and consisted of thirty arti-
cles.* It was almost exclusively a

* For text see Freeman Snow, Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, pp. 12-24. See

90

COMMISSIONERS SENT TO FRANCE; THEIR INSTRUCTIONS.

commercial treaty and called for no military aid or support. In his report Adams said: "Our negotiations with France ought to be conducted with great caution, and with all the foresight we could possibly obtain; we ought not to enter into any alliance which should entangle us in any future wars in Europe;

*

*

it would never be to our interest to unite with France in the destruction of England. Therefore, in preparing treaties to be proposed to foreign powers, and in the instructions to be given to our ministers, we ought to confine ourselves strictly to a treaty of commerce; such a treaty would be ample compensation to France for all the aid we should want from her."'*

jects of his most Christian Majesty, the King of France, and the people of these States, will be beneficial to both nations;- Know ye, therefore, that we, confiding in the prudence and integrity of Benjamin Franklin, one of the Delegates in Congress from the State of Pennsylvania, and President of the Convention of the said State, etc., Silas Deane, now in France, late a Delegate from the State of Connecticut; and Arthur Lee, barrister at law, have appointed and deputed, and by these presents do appoint and depute them, the said Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, our Commissioners, giving and granting to them, the said Franklin, Deane, and Lee, or any two of them, and in the case of death, absence or disability of any two, or any one of them, full power to communicate, treat, agree and conclude with his most Christian Majesty, the King of France, or with such person or persons, as shall by him be for that purpose authorized, of and upon a true and sincere friendship, and a firm, inviolable and universal peace for the defense, protection and safety of the navigation and mutual commerce of the subjects of his most Christian Majesty, and the people of the United States, and to do all other things, which may conduce to those desirable ends, and promising in good faith to ratify whatsoever our said Commissioners shall transact in the premises. Done in Congress, in Philadelphia, the thirtieth day of

Immediately after approving this plan, Congress appointed Franklin, September, in the year of our Lord one thousand Deane, and Thomas Jefferson commissioners to France. But Jefferson, because of the illness of his wife, was

unable to leave America.‡ Arthur Arthur Lee, then in London, was named in his place. Their letter of credence is interesting and was as follows:

"The Delegates of the United States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to all who shall see these presents; send greetings;- Whereas a trade, upon equal terms, between the subalso Moore, American Diplomacy, pp. 6-8; John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 242.

*Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii., p. 7. † Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., pp. 166–167. His reply to the President of Congress is given in Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 197-198. See also Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. i., p. 71, vol. ii., pp. 91-92.

seven hundred and seventy-six." "

In addition to the letter of credence

special instructions were prepared for

the commissioners relative to their duties;† among the more important paragraphs being the following:

"You will solicit the court of France for an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large supply of ammunition, and brass field-pieces, to be sent under a convoy by France. The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery and ammunition, and to indemnify France for the convoy.

*Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii., p. 32.

Morse, Life of Franklin, p. 229; Hildreth, vol. iii., p. 178. See also the Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii., pp. 6, 31, 35; Force, American Archives, 5th series, vol. ii., pp. 1198, 1212-1216, 1237; Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. i., pp. 161-162.

66

FRANKLIN ARRIVES IN FRANCE.

Engage a few good engineers in the service of the United States.

"It is highly probable that France means not to let the United States sink in the present contest. But as the difficulty of obtaining true accounts of our condition may cause an opinion to be entertained that we are able to support the war on our own strength and resources longer than, in fact, we can do, it will be proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit declaration of France in our favor, upon a suggestion, that a re-union with Great Britain, may be the consequence of a delay.

"Should Spain be disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of danger to her dominions in South America, you are empowered to give the strongest assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United States, in the possession of those territories." *

At the time of these appointments, Deane was already in Paris discharging the duties of private agent, and

Lee soon after went from London to join him. Franklin started from America at the earliest possible moment, and when the news of his landing reached Paris, Lord Stormont, the British ambassador, threatened to leave the country if the chief of the American rebels" were permitted to enter the city. Vergennes pacified Stormont by saying that a messenger would be sent to forbid Franklin to enter the capital, but should this messenger perchance miss Franklin, the government would not send him away" because of the scandalous scene this would present to all France, should we respect neither the laws of nations nor of hospitalities." Vergennes saw to it that Franklin and the

The instructions are given in full in E. E. Hale, Franklin in France, vol. i., pp. 61-65; Snow, Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, pp. 24-26.

91

messenger did not meet, and soon the three commissioners were hard at work at the task before them. Soon after Franklin arrived the commissioners were received in private audience by Vergennes at which time they presented the first formal diplomatic communication made on behalf of the United States to a foreign power.* Regarding this interview, they said: "It was evident that this court, while it treated us privately with all civility, was cautious of giving umbrage to England, and was, therefore, desirous of avoiding open reception and acknowledgment of us, or entering into any formal negotiations with us, as ministers from Congress." + In October these commissioners were instructed to purchase from the French government eight line-ofbattle ships and to equip them at the earliest possible moment.

On arriving in Paris in December, Franklin and Lee immediately put themselves into communication with Vergennes, but for some time their labors availed little. The French were not yet ready to acknowledge the independence of America openly to espouse the American cause. It was evident that the French had

*Moore, American Diplomacy, p. 8.

or

+ Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii., p. 283.

Hale, Franklin in France, vol. i., pp. 48 et seq., 142; Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. ii., p. 239; Weld, Life of Franklin, pp. 492-493; Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. i., pp. 162165. For the results, see Bancroft, vol. v., p. 126 et seq. On Lee's conduct see Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., p. 442 et seq.

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