undoubtedly that officer had contributed largely to the result of the battle.*

General Conway was soon brought to a realization that the army would not countenance his actions. He had never been popular with the majority of the soldiers, and when it became known that he had endeavored to displace Washington, he was challenged to a duel by General Cadwalader. Despite Washington's remonstrances, this duel was fought July 4, 1778, and Conway was wounded.+ Supposing that his wound was mortal, Conway was struck with sudden remorse, and wrote the following letter to Washington:

"I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good May you long enjoy the love, veneration,

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and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." *

Thus Conway's Cabal came to an end which was not only timely, but also fortunate to the patriotic cause. Washington's conduct throughout the whole affair was marked with moderation, self-command, and nobility.†

See Thacher, Military Journal, p. 129, note; Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 232-237; Bancroft, vol. v., pp. 210-217; Fiske, American Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 32-46; Johnson, Life of Greene, vol. i., pp. 154, 166; Greene, Life of Greene, vol. ii., pp. 1-40; Gordon, American Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 44, 54

(ed. 1788); Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 127-132; Trevelyan, American Revolution, pp. 307–319.

† Mr. Irving gives the following anecdote, furnished to him by Judge Jay: 'Shortly before the death of John Adams, I was sitting alone with my father, conversing about the American Revolution. Suddenly he remarked, 'Ah, William! the history of that Revolution will never be known. Nobody now alive knows it but John Adams and myself.' Surprised at such a declaration, I asked him to what he referred: He briefly replied: "The proceedings of the old Congress.' Again I inquired, 'What proceedings?' He answered, 'Those against Washington; from first to last there was a most bitter party against him."'" As the old Congress held its sessions with closed doors, nothing was made public but what that body saw fit to disclose. Irving, Life of Wash ington, vol. iii., p. 397.

By the terms of the Articles of Confederation, the Continental Congress was empowered to make peace, to declare war, to send and receive ambassadors, and to make treaties and alliances, but it could only enter upon the latter with the assent of nine of the thirteen States. Originally the Confederation had no executive officers, and its business was conducted through committees. For the purpose of conducting foreign intercourse, on November 29, 1775, a "Committee of Secret Correspondence" was appointed, consisting of Benjamin Harrison, John Jay, Johnson, Dickinson, and Franklin; this committee being appointed for the purpose of holding secret correspondence with the friends of America, "in Great Britain, Ireland and other parts of the world."* The chief

* Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 362; John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp. 202–203, vol. iii., p. 3; Weld, Life of Franklin, p. 475; Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 111; John Bassett Moore, American Diplo

object in view was to sound the principal nations of Europe, particularly France and Spain, in regard to American affairs. Shortly after his appointment, Franklin wrote a letter to Charles W. F. Dumas* in Holland as to the prospect of obtaining aid in that country for the American cause. He said:

"That you may be better enabled to answer some questions which will probably be put to you, concerning our present situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is firmly united — the party for the measures of the British ministry being very small, and much dispersed; that we had on foot the last campaign, an army of nearly twenty thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block the king's army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect the whole province may be soon in our possession; that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year; and thereby we hope, with the assistance of a well disciplined militia, to be able

macy, Its Spirit and Achievements, pp. ix., 5; Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, p. 15; Pellew, John Jay, p. 49.

* For the services of this man see Moore, American Diplomacy, pp. 23-25.

to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent; that we already have a small squadron of armed vessels, to protect our coasting trade, who have had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruizers, and some of their transport vessels and stores." *

It was certain that the Declaration of Independence would involve an appeal to the nations of Europe for countenance and aid. It was not only a challenge to Great Britain, but an assertion by the colonies of their right to an independent place among the world's powers, and an appeal to the powers to recognize the justice of their claim. A new field was therefore opened for the energies of Congress beside the contest of arms in which the colonies had engaged with the mother country, and a new relation was to be sustained toward the governments of Europe. Among the members of Congress there were two views regarding foreign intercourse. One was that no minister should be sent to foreign courts until assurances were given by the latter that our ministers would be well received; and the other, that for attaining independence we should seek to establish good relations, if not alliances, with the nations unfriendly to England. Franklin had said "A virgin state should preserve a virgin character, and not go abroad suitoring for alliances; but wait with decent dignity for the application of others." On the other hand, John Adams said, "I think we have not meanly solicited for friendships

See also Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., 112.

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anywhere. But to send ministers to any great court in Europe, especially the maritime courts, to propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America and treaties of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion is our duty to do."*

The conduct of foreign relations through a committee, however, did not prove satisfactory, chiefly because the members did not attend to their business. One of the members said: "There is really no such thing as a Committee of Foreign Affairs existing-no secretary or clerk further than I persevere to be one and the other. The books and the papers of that extinguished body lay yet on the table of Congress, or rather are locked up in the secretary's private box." Congress thereupon appointed a committee to prepare a plan for the organization of the department, and in this plan the committee committee states: "That the extent and rising power of the United States entitle them to a place among the great potentates of Europe, while our political and commercial interests point out the propriety of cultivating with them a friendly correspondence and connection. That, to render such an intercourse advantageous, the necessity of competent knowledge of the interests, views, relations and systems of those potentates, is obvious.

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That to answer those essential purposes the committee are of opinion that a fixed and permanent office for the Department of Foreign Affairs ought forthwith to be established as a remedy against the fluctuations, the delays, and indecision to which the present mode of managing our foreign affairs must be exposed."* The committee recommended that a Secretary of Foreign Affairs be appointed, and proceeded to set forth his duties. Thereafter the management of foreign affairs ran more smoothly.

The first representative sent abroad was Silas Deane. Franklin had received information through friends that France seemed favorably disposed toward America, and, while she could not publicly display her friendship, she was inclined to render aid to the American cause in a surreptitious manner. Deane, therefore, was sent to ascertain the exact position of the French government and to obtain much needed supplies and material for the army. His letter of instructions, dated March 3, 1776, orders him to assume the character of a merchant engaged in the West India trade, and instructs him to state to the French ministry that clothing and arms for about 25,000 men, as well as ammunition, and field pieces, were needed by the Americans. He was to secure an audience at the earliest possible moment with the French minister of for

*Secret Journals of Congress, vol. ii., p. 580. As to his fitness for this mission, see John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 248 et seq.

eign affairs, Charles Gravier, Count de Vergennes. Deane secretly departed from the United States, traveling under the assumed name of " Timothy Jones," and many state that he carried with him a supply of invisible ink with which to write his reports. Deane arrived in Paris early in July and immediately set about the fulfillment of the task assigned him.‡ He soon succeeded in obtaining an interview with Count de Vergennes in which he stated the purpose of his mission, and was informed that the importance of American commerce was well known in France, and that no country could so well supply the American colonies and in return receive their produce, as France. For this reason, therefore, it was to the interest of both to maintain uninterrupted intercourse, and with this object in view, the court had ordered French ports to be kept open, not only to America but also to England. But, he said, considering the friendly relations existing between the latter country and France, the French court could not openly encourage the shipping of warlike stores to America. As a manifestation of their friendli