48 WANT OF COOPERATION AMONG BRITISH BRINGS DEFEAT. When the British army left Ticonderoga, it numbered about 10,000 men, exclusive of Indians, but through the casualties of war, desertion, etc., it had been reduced at the time of surrender to less than 6,000, including among the soldiers six members of Parliament. At this time the army under General Gates amounted to more than 9,000 regular troops and 4,000 militia. Upon the surrender, the Americans secured a fine train of brass artillery, consisting of 40 pieces of various sizes and descriptions, and all the arms and baggage of the British troops.* When the British, ceeded to headquarters on horseback, General Burgoyne in front, with his Adjutant-general Kingston, and his aids-de-camp, Captain Lord Petersham and Lieutenant Wilford behind him; then followed Major-general Philips, the Baron Riedesel, and the other general officers, and their suites, according to rank. General Gates, advised of Burgoyne's approach, met him at the head of his camp, Burgoyne, in a rich royal uniform, and Gates, in a plain blue frock. When they approached nearly within sword's length, they reined up and halted. I then named the gentlemen, and General Burgoyne, raising his hat most gracefully, said, "The fortune of war, General Gates, has made me your prisoner;' to which the conqueror, returning a courtly salute, promptly replied, I 'I shall always be ready to bear testimony, that it has not been through any fault of your excellency Major-general Philips then advanced, and he and General Gates saluted, and shook hands with the familiarity of old acquaintances. The Baron Riedesel and other officers were introduced in their turn." Doctor Ramsey, also, in his History of American Revolution, p. 368, says, that "the conduct of General Burgoyne in his interview with General Gates, was truly dignified, and the historian is at a loss whether to admire most, the magnanimity of the victorious, or the fortitude of the vanquished general." See also Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 211-215; Thacher, Military Journal, p. 107; Lossing, pp. 80-81. who had possession of the forts on the Immediately after the surrender, Gates, instead of reporting the victory to the commander-in-chief, as was his Botta, History of the War of Independence, vol. ii., p. 328. TREATMENT OF BRITISH PRISONERS. duty, sent his aide, Wilkinson, with the news directly to Congress, thereby slighting Washington. When Wilkinson was introduced into the Hall of Congress, he said "The whole British army has laid down arms at Saratoga; our own, full of vigor and courage, expect your orders; it is for your wisdom to decide where the country may still have need of their services." Congress thereupon passed a vote of thanks to Gates and his army, and Wilkinson was brevetted brigadier-general; a gold medal was also ordered to be struck in commemoration of the event and to be presented to Gates.* The victorious Americans treated their vanquished foes with every degree of kindness and consideration. The sick and wounded were carefully nursed, and in every way the officers and troops were made to feel that the conquerors were as generous as they were brave. Baroness Riedesel par ticularly mentions General Schuyler's courtesy and politeness to herself and others who accompanied the army. She says: 'Some days after this we arrived at Albany, where we so often wished ourselves; but we did not enter it as we expected we should- - victors! We were received by the good General Schuyler, his wife, and daughters, not as enemies, but kind friends, and they treated us with the most marked attention and politeness, as they did General 49 ler's generosity, and said to him, 'You show me great kindness, though I have done you great injury.' 'That was the fate of war,' replied the brave man, let us say no more about it.'' After the army reached Boston, however, it was not long before trouble arose. Congress was suspicious that the British would not hesitate to reinlist the paroled soldiers immediately upon their arrival in England, and the committee of Congress having this in charge sought a pretext upon which they might hold the troops in this country. The British committed a number of minor disturbances in Boston, as is only natural when a large body of men are congregated together, and Congress seized upon this and some similar pretexts as justifying them in refusing to allow the embarkation of the troops at all.† Consequently, the troops were long detained in Massachusetts and were afterward sent to the back woods of Virginia, none of them being released except through exchange. It was obviously the intention of Congress to keep 5,000 men out of the field, and by some it is considered that the means employed by Congress to accomplish their ends were dishonorable and lost them more in character than they gained in strength. Some claim that the allegations by which Burgoyne, who had caused General Schuyler's Congress attempted to justify their beautifully finished house to be burned. In fact, they behaved like persons of exalted minds, who determined to bury all recollection of their own injuries in the contemplation of our misfortunes. General Burgoyne was struck with General Schuy *Lossing, Field Book of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 83, where a facsimile of the medal is given. actions in affecting to distrust the British faith and honor, were false *See Thacher, Military Journal, pp. 112, 360; Tuckerman, Life of Schuyler, pp. 238–241. † See Marshall, Life of Washington, vol. i., pp. 230-232; Clinton Papers, vol. ii., pp. 660–665. By JOHN BURGOYNE, ESQ., lieutenant-general of his majesty's armies in America, colonel of the queen's regiment of light dragoons, governor of Fort William, in North Britain, one of the representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an expedition from Canada, etc., etc. The forces entrusted to my command, are designed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display in every quarter of America, the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the king. The cause in which the British arms is thus exerted, applies to the most affecting interests of the human heart; and the military servants of the crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the Constitution, now combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive incitements, which form a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the public, and the breasts of suf fering thousands, in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his displeasure, suffered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution, and torture, unprecedented in the inquisition of the Romish church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirmative. These are inflicted, by assemblies and committees, who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without dis tinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which, by every tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; the consciences of men are set at naught; and multitudes are compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usurpation they abhor. Animated by these considerations; at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline, and valor; determined to strike where necessary, * See also Fiske, American Revolution, vol. i., pp. 339-344; Jones, New York in the Revolution, vol. i., pp. 210-214, 698; Ford's ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. vi., pp. 175, 190, 225, 234, 246-247, 283, 293, 369, vol. vii., pp. 222, 276; Gordon, American Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 44-49, 117 (ed. 1788); Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. i., chap. viii.; Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., p. 202 et seq.; Lamb, Journal of the American War, chap. x.; De Fonblanque, Life of Burgoyne; Heath's Memoirs, p. 129 et seq. (Abbatt's ed.); Lowell, Hessians in the Revolution, p. 180 et seq.; Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. ii., pp. 167-180. BURGOYNE'S PROCLAMATION. and anxious to spare where possible, I, by these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in all places where the progress of this army may point, -and by the blessing of God, I will extend it far -to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations, and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depredation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and, upon the first intelligence of their association, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted or destroyed; that they do not break up their bridges or roads; nor by any other act, directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy. Every species of provision, brought to my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin. 51 In consciousness of Christianity, my royal master's clemency, and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And let not people be led to disregard it, by considering their distance from the immediate situation of my camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction—and they amount to thousands - to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America. I consider them the same, wherever they may lurk. If, notwithstanding these endeavors, and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and men, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field: and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror, that a reluctant, but indispensable prosecution of mili tary duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return. JOHN BURGOYNE. Camp, at Ticonderoga, July 2, 1777. CHAPTER XVII. 1777. HOWE'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST PHILADELPHIA. The plan of campaign - Washington perplexed as to Howe's movements - Arrival of Marquis de LafayetteOther foreign officers - Howe lands at head of Elk River Battle of the Brandywine - Retreat of the American Army - Battle near White Horse Tavern — Congress abandons Philadelphia — Navigation on the Delaware obstructed - Battle of Germantown - Attack on Forts Mifflin and Mercer-Final reduction of the Delaware fortifications Washington retires to White Marsh Howe's attempt to draw him into battle-Washington goes to winter quarters at Valley Forge. Undoubtedly, had Howe carried out the plans he had formulated with promptitude and vigor, and had he received sufficient reinforcements of troops, he would have been able to conduct the campaign with a greater degree of success. But reinforcements did not arrive and he remained singularly inactive until late in the spring. This inactivity allowed Washington time to recruit his army so as to be better able to sustain the contest. But he was unable to penetrate the designs of Howe and was exceedingly perplexed as to the direction in which the British commander intended to strike the first blow. He was therefore under the necessity of distributing his forces over a large territory, so as to be better able to meet any 52 WASHINGTON'S PLAN OF CAMPAIGN; HOWE MARCHES. emergency that might arise. This he did rather than concentrate all his forces in one place, for it would be far easier to move a small body rapidly than a large one. Accordingly, such troops as he could raise in the Northern provinces were stationed partly at Ticonderoga and partly at Peekskill. Those from the Middle and Southern provinces were stationed in New Jersey, and a few corps were sent for the protection of the most Western provinces. Thus, if Howe moved in the direction of Philadelphia, he would be opposed by the forces in New Jersey, while the troops toward the North could be sent against his right flank. If, on the other hand, he should move toward the North, the troops at Peekskill would be able to dispute his passage, while the Southern forces in New Jersey would attack his left flank. Again, if the forces in Canada should come by sea to join General Howe upon the shores of New Jersey, the troops in the North could immediately unite with those in Jersey and thus present a united front against the combined British armies. Again, if the British troops in Canada should make a descent upon Ticonderoga, the forces at Peekskill could be immediately rushed to the aid of the American troops at the former position. Thus the American commander seems to have laid his plans to oppose Howe with the greatest number of troops, no matter what direction the English commander might take. At the same time Congress felt that it was exceedingly important that the city of Philadelphia should continue in the power of the United States, as its loss would operate powerfully to change the sentiment in America as to the chances of success of the Continental forces. Therefore, Congress ordered a camp to be formed on the western bank of the Delaware, with the double object of receiving such troops as might arrive from the South and West, and of serving in case of need as a reserve. Recruits from Pennsylvania were also to assemble here together with several regiments of Continental troops, the camp being placed in command of Arnold, who at that time was in Philadelphia. Fortunately, before Howe began active operations Washington received from France a much needed supply of 25,000 muskets.* He then left Morristown, and toward the end of May took a strong position at Middlebrook, nine miles from New Brunswick.t On June 13, 1777, Howe marched out of New Brunswick, evidently with the purpose of attacking Philadelphia, but undoubtedly the real object was to draw Washington from his defences and to bring on a general engagement. Washington, however, was determined to avoid this and Howe was forced to make a movement in another direction. After * Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., p. 10. Ford's ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. v., pp. 444, 450; Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., p. 58 et seq.; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., p. 78. |