ALARMING CONDITIONS IN MASSACHUSETTS. The Constitution owed as much for its acceptance, to the weight of character of its framers, as it did to their wisdom and ability, for the intrinsic merits which that weight of character enforced."* It was a fortunate thing, however, that Congress did not attempt to define the powers of the Convention, for had the nature of its discussions been curtailed by any such limitation, probably the Federal Constitution would not have been formulated at that time. As it was, and as many of the members of the Convention complained, that body went far beyond the original intention, at least as that intention was expressed in the call for delegates, and the result was the formation of our present Constitution. It can hardly be doubted that the action of the several States regarding this Convention was hastened by the alarming condition of affairs during the latter part of 1786, and the beginning of 1787, in the New England States, and particularly in Massachusetts. This State was passing through a period of gloom, chiefly due to the evil consequences of the war, for while the crops had been good, the farmers complained because they could not sell their produce to obtain money with which to buy food, clothing, etc. Money was becoming more and more scarce; the debts due * Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. i., pp. 247-248. 423 from individuals to each other amounted to about £1,300,000 sterling; the soldiers were creditors of the State to the extent of £250,000 sterling; and the State's portion of the Federal debt was £1,500,000, a total burden of more than £3,000,000.* In order to pay the State's portion of the Federal debt, the law provided that one third of it should be raised by taxes on the ratable polls, but as the ratable polls were less than 90,000 in number, it was readily seen that some other means must be devised. The state of manufactures, agriculture, and commerce was deplorable,† but certain classes asserted that commerce and not agriculture should bear the load, for they claimed the merchants had grown rich upon their gains from foreign traffic (especially those merchants who dealt in foreign articles of luxury and trumpery, for which there was now a large demand). American exports amounted to nothing at this time, and in order to satisfy the demands of importation, coin must be had. As America had not as yet developed any gold mines, it was seen that either commerce must be stopped in order to prevent the outflow of specie, or paper must be issued to take the place of the coin sent abroad. In addition to the cur * McMaster, United States, vol. i., p. 300; George R. Minot, History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts in the Year 1786, and the Rebellion Consequent Thereon, p. 6; Fiske, Critical Period, p. 177 et seq. + Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. i., p. 180. 424 GRIEVANCES OF THE MALCONTENTS. rency agitation, complaints began to arise regarding the administration of justice in the State. After the war the courts were clogged with all kinds of civil suits to collect debts, mortgages, claims against Tories, etc.,* and the lawyers became overwhelmed with cases. As they always exacted a retainer and were absolutely sure of their fees, they finally became wealthy, and were roundly denounced as blood-suckers, pickpockets, etc., even being accused of causing the burdens and distress that afflicted the State.† There was common complaint of the high salaries paid to public officials and the wasteful cost of litigation.‡ Therefore, when the Legislature met, a stormy session began. Many measures to redress the grievances of the multitude were debated and at last a bill was introduced to fix the fees of attorneys, to allow all persons of good character to practice before the court, and to restrain the practice of champerty, but the bill did not pass. The currency question *Minot, History of the Insurrections, p. 14. † McMaster, United States, vol. i., pp. 301–302; McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, p. 157; Curtis, Constitutional History, vol. i., pp. 180-181. Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 36. In Quincy, Mass., there was much complaint as to the general conditions of affairs, but the people expressed one particular desire. that the lawmakers "crush, or at least put a proper check on that order of Gentlemen denominated Lawyers, the completion of whose modern conduct appears to us to tend rather to the destruction than the preservation of the Commonwealth." was then introduced, the debate centering on a petition of seven Bristol towns, for the issuing of a paper currency that should never be redeemed, but should depreciate at stated intervals until the entire issue was extinguished. This bill was thrown out by a vote of 99 to 19, as was also a bill to make real and personal estate a legal tender, which measure was lost by a vote of 89 to 35. The legislature adjourned July 8, 1786, without taking any definite steps to redress the wrongs. The malcontents of Hampshire thereupon called a convention to meet at Hatfield, August 22, and when the convention met delegates from fifty towns were present. After forming themselves into a constitutional body, they adopted a report which detailed at great length the various measures by which they were oppressed. Their hostility was expressed most pressed most forcibly against the taxes, the compensation promised to the army officers, and the administration of justice by the courts. They * Knox, however, in writing to Washington, said: "That taxes may be the ostensible cause is true, but that they are the true cause is as far remote from truth as light from darkness. The people who are the insurgents have never paid any or but very little taxes. But they see the weakness of government; they feel at once their own poverty compared with the opulent, and their own force, and they are determined to make use of the latter in order to remedy the former." See Brooks, Life of Knox, p. 194. Fiske, Critical Period, p. 179. The spirit behind the rebellion is shown by the speech of one of the leaders. "My boys," said he, "you are going to fight for liberty. If you wish to know VIOLENCE BEGUN; DANIEL SHAYS. asked to have emitted a bank of paper money, subject to a depreciation," which would be legal tender for the payment of all debts.* They also prepared a petition in which were incorporated a number of fantastic recommendations. These were but the prelude to radical acts. Proceeding from inflammatory words to actions, the citizens concerned began to arm themselves, surrounded the courts in several counties, and completely obstructed the administration of justice. On the last Tuesday in August, 1786, a body of 1,500 insurgents acted in this manner at Northampton, and in September the government issued a proclamation calling upon the officers and citizens of the commonwealth to suppress these treasonable proceedings. Under the existing condition of affairs, these proclamations had little effect, and within a week a body of more than 300 insurgents surrounded the court house at Worcester, and compelled the court to adjourn.† Similar riotous proceedings took place at Concord a week later, at Taunton, Great Barrington, and at Springfield. At Great Barrington a what liberty is, I will tell you. It is for every man to do what he pleases, to make other folks do as you please to have them, and to keep folks from serving the devil."— Holland, Western Massachusetts, vol. i., p. 296. 425 mob broke open the jails, prevented the courts from sitting, and compelled all the judges, save one, to sign a pledge that they would not hold court until the popular grievances were redressed. Later in the year more serious outrages were committed, houses being searched, people fired upon, and numbers of the conservative and law-abiding citizens driven from town.* From one act of violence, the malcontents soon proceeded to others and as the State itself displayed its own weakness by adopting persuasion instead of using force, the insurgents attempted to force the State to comply with its demands. In December 1,500 men were organized in the counties of Worcester and Hampshire, under the leadership of Daniel Shays, formerly a captain in the Continental army.† After the organization of this body, threats were made. that arms and ammunition would be secured by force, if necessary, from the public arsenal at Springfield. ‡ Secretary of War Knox was appealed to by the citizens of Massachusetts for permission to use the national. arms for general defence, but this was refused.|| Knox's communication and another letter regarding * J. G. Holland, History of Western Massachusetts, vol. i., pp. 244-248; Minot, History of the Insurrections, pp. 44-50. Minot, History of the Insurrections, p. 82 et seq. See Humphrey's letter to Washington, in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. iv., pp. 147-149. Brooks, Life of Knox, p. 196. 426 ATTITUDE AND ACTION OF CONGRESS. hostile movements of Indians in the West were referred to a committee of Congress, which in October made a secret report in which it was said: "that a dangerous insurrection has taken place, in divers parts of the State of Massachusetts, which was rapidly extending its influence; that the insurgents had already, by force of arms, suppressed the administration of justice in several counties; that though the legislature of said state was in session, yet from the circumstances attending it, it would undoubtedly defeat the object of the federal interposition, should a formal application for the same be made."* The committee said that "the aid of the federal government is necessary to stop the progress of the insurgents, that there is the greatest reason to believe, that unless speedy and effectual measures shall be taken to defeat their designs, they will possess themselves of the arsenal at Springfield, subvert the government, and not only reduce the commonwealth to a state of anarchy and confusion, but probably involve * When Washington heard the news from Massachusetts he exclaimed: "What, gracious God, is man that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct! It was but the other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live-constitutions of our own choice and making and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable that I hardly know how to realize it, or to persuade myself that I am not under the illusion of a dream."- Sparks' ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. ix., p. 221; Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 36; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 524. the United States in the calamities of a civil war." The committee therefore came to the conclusion that the United States were bound to restore constitutional authority in Massachusetts, and to afford protection to public stores at Springfield. For such purposes it was recommended that a body of troops be immediately sent there. Such was the secret report. The public report, however, recommended that 1,340 troops be raised to protect the frontiers against the hostile movements of the Indians, though in reality these troops were to be used in suppressing the insurrection in Massachusetts.* Congress adopted these reports, ordered that the troops be enlisted immediately,† and to support them called upon the States to pay into the public treasury by June 1, 1787, $530,000 in specie. The resolve also authorized a loan of $500,000 to be immediately opened. Washington had been greatly alarmed at the proceedings in Massa *Journals of Congress, October 30, 1786, vol. xi., p. 258. See also Gordy, Political History of the United States, vol. i., p. 60 et seq. In reaching this conclusion, Congress deemed it a wise thing to spread upon the secret journals a declaration that it (Congress) "would not hazard the perilous step of putting arms into the hands of men whose fidelity must in some degree depend on the faithful payment of their wages, had they not the fullest confidence the most liberal exertions of the money holders in the State of Massachusetts and the other states in filling the loans authorized by the resolve of this date."- Secret Journals of Congress, October 21, 1786, vol. i., p. 267 et seq. of WASHINGTON'S REMARKS; TROOPS ORDERED INTO SERVICE. 427 chusetts, and on October 31, 1786, wrote to Henry Lee as follows: "The commotion and temper of numerous bodies in the Eastern country, present a state of things equally to be lamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy verification of what our transatlantic foes have predicted, and of another thing, perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and yet more unaccountable, that mankind, when left to themselves, are unfit for their own government. I am mortified beyond expression, when I view the clouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any country. In a word, I am lost in amazement, when I behold what intrigue, the interested views of desperate characters, ignorance and jealousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the major part of our fellew-citizens of the Union; for it is hardly to be supposed, that the great body of the people, though they will not act, can be so short-sighted, or enveloped in darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly. defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence." * Finding that it had become necessary to use troops, Governor James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, determined to protect the commonwealth of Massachusetts, and early in January, 1787, 4,000 militia were ordered into service and placed under the command of General Lincoln.† A number of the prominent and wealthy men of the state financed that part of the expenses of the expedition, which the State treasury was unable to defray, the governor heading the list of those who subscribed to the sum. Assembling at Boston, the troops soon got under way, and proceeded toward the scene of action. Meanwhile, the militia of the Western counties, under General William Shepard, had assembled in the arsenal at Springfield; but before the arrival of Lincoln, they were attacked call for decision. by the insurgents in an attempt to "You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found, nor, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these disorders. INFLUENCE IS NOT GOVERNMENT. Let us have a government, by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them if possible, or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible, is hardly possible. To delay one or the other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on the other, and will add to their numbers; for, like snowballs, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before their weight is too great and irresistible. "These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let the reins of government, then, be braced with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended. If VOL. IIJ-28 secure the supplies and ammunition in the arsenal. The insurgents were repulsed with considerable loss.|| Shortly after this event, Lincoln arrived with his militia and by a series of rapid movements, endeavored to bring the insurgent army into action. For some time the latter successfully *Sparks' ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. ix., p. 204. Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 37; McMaster, United States, vol. i., pp. 316-318. Minot, History of the Insurrections, pp. 9394; McMaster, p. 319. || McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, p. 163; McMaster, United States, vol. i., pp. 320-322. |