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THE CINCINNATI; WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO THE STATES.

rived, however, the mutiny had subsided without bloodshed. The mutineers were too inconsiderable to commit a great amount of mischief, but their conduct greatly aroused the indignation of Washington, who expressed his contempt for such proceedings in a letter to the President of Congress.*

While the army was still encamped on the Hudson, "The Society of the Cincinnati" was founded for the purpose of perpetuating the friendships formed during the war. Washington was urged to accept the chief office in the society and finally yielded to the wishes of the other officers.† According to the rules of the society, its honors were to be hereditary in the families of these members, and distinguished individuals might be admitted as honorary members for life. This arrangement soon created jealousy and distrust, as it was feared. that the hereditary proviso of the rules would tend to create a sort of nobility. Learning of this feeling of distrust on the part of the people, Washington exerted all his influence to have the rules of the society changed, which was done in May, 1784. The result proved all the wis

Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 436-437; Thacher, Military Journal, pp. 337-339. See also the accounts by Madison in Elliot's Debates, vol. i., pp. 92-94, and by Hamilton in Hamilton's Works, vol. i., pp. 374-393.

†Thacher, Military Journal, pp. 319-321; Heath's Memoirs, pp. 349-351; Lossing, FieldBook of the Revolution, vol. i., pp. 693–697; Brooks, Life of Knox, p. 174 et seq.; Fiske, Critical Period of American History, pp. 114-118.

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dom of the measure and all jealousy of the society soon afterward disappeared.*

While attending to the disbandment of the army, Washington consulted freely with Congress, and during his consultations recommended that a well-regulated standing army be established. To further advance the theory he advocated, he issued a circular letter to the governors of the States. This was dated from Newburgh, June 8, 1783, and, according to Sparks, "is remarkable for its ability, the deep interest it manifests for the officers and soldiers, who had fought the battles of their country, the soundness of its principles, and the wisdom of its counsels." The most important paragraphs were those relating to what he considered the four things essential to the existence and well-being of the United States. In conclusion, he made the following remarks:

"I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the state over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another; for their fellow-citizens of the United States at large; and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and,

*John B. McMaster, A History of the People of the United States, vol. i., p. 167 et seq. See also Jefferson's letter to Washington regarding this in Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. iii., pp. 464-470.

Bancroft, vol. vi., pp. 83-86; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 456 et seq.

Life of Washington, p. 366; Marshall, Life of Washington, vol. v., pp. 46–48. See Appendix i., at the end of the present chapter.

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finally, that he would be most graciously pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation." *

On October 18, 1783, Congress issued a proclamation disbanding the army. It was decided to retain a small force, sufficient for any contingencies, until a peace establishment might be organized according to the wishes of Congress. Congress thanked the officers and soldiers in behalf of the entire country for their long, arduous and faithful service. After November 3, the army was entirely discharged from service. On the day preceding the discharge, Washington issued issued his farewell orders to the army, full of advice, sound principles and fervent hopes for the prosperity of the soldiers who he had had the honor to command. In conclusion he said:

66 The commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting to enable the soldier to change the military character into that of a citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior, which has generally distinguished not only the army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through the course of the war. From their good sense and prudence, he anticipates the happiest consequences: and while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under, for the assistance he has received from every class, and in every instance. He presents his thanks, in the most serious and affectionate manner to the general officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions, as for their ardor in promoting

* Irving, vol. iv., p. 460.

the success of the plans he had adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness, in performing the duties of their several departments; and to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers, for their extraordinary patience in suffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in action. To various branches of the army, the general takes his last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare profession were in his power, that he was really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has been done. And being now to conclude these, his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer, in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven's favor's both here and hereafter, attend those, who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed forever." *

Meanwhile, General Carleton had been ordered to evacuate New York and during the summer manifested his intention of so doing; he was delayed by various occurrences, however, and it was not until November that the arrangements for the departure of the troops could be completed. On the morning of November 25, Washington, with the American troops under General Knox and Governor Clinton, advanced to the upper part of the city, and at noon, as the British marched out, the Americans

*Thacher, Military Journal, pp. 340-341; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., pp. 465-467.

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL TO HIS OFFICERS.

slowly entered and took possession, the civil authority of the State then being established.* The following Monday, December 1, a magnificent entertainment was given to the French minister, Luzerne, at which Washington and a large company were present, and in the evening there were fire-works at Bowling Green. † The most trying ordeal through ordeal through which Washington had to pass was bidding adieu to his officers. This interview took place on December 4. Marshall describes the scene as follows:

"At noon the principal officers of the army assembled at Frances's tavern, soon after which their beloved commander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them, and said, ' With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish, that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' Having drunk, he added, 'I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged, if each of you will come and take me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner, he took leave of every suc

*Lamb, City of New York, vol. ii., pp. 273–274. Brooks, Life of Knox, p. 178; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 470.

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ceeding officer.* The tear of manly sensibility was in every eye; and not a word was articulated, to interrupt the dignified silence, and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to Paulus Hook. The whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They paid him the same affectionate compliment; and after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled." +

To completely sever his connection with the army, it only remained necessary that Washington resign his commission. In November, Congress had adjourned to Annapolis and there Washington repaired in order to terminate his public career. All along the route of his journey he was greeted with most earnest expressions of gratitude and affection and was presented with many public addresses by legislatures, towns, societies, etc. At Philadelphia he deposited an account of the expenses

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WASHINGTON RESIGNS HIS COMMISSION.

incurred by him during the war,
which he had inscribed with his own.
hand.* On December 19, 1783, Wash-
ington arrived at Annapolis and sig-
nified to Congress that he was pre-
pared to resign his commission. It
was determined that this should be
done in public session and in the pres-
ence of his fellow citizens. On the
23d, therefore, Washington appeared
before Congress for this purpose.
The hall was crowded with spectators
-friends and relatives, the officials
of Maryland, and the consul-general
of France. Washington was then in-
troduced to the President of Congress
and the secretary, and after a short
silence, was informed that
United States in Congress assembled,
were prepared to receive his commu-
nications." Washington thereupon
arose and in a very dignified manner
delivered his address, a copy of

which, together with his commission, he presented to the President of Congress.* He then remained standing, awaiting a reply. It was a remarkable coincidence that at this time General Mifflin was President of Congress, having been elected some time previously. Necessarily the duty of replying to Washington and thanking him for his services fell to the lot of one who, with others, had tried to besmirch his character and usurp his place during the Conway Cabal. Nevertheless, Mifflin replied to Washington in terms of reverential courtesy and most earnest regard. This ceremony having been completed, Washington retired from the Hall of Congress and the next day reached his home at Mount Vernon, after eight years of faithful and arduous service once again a private citizen.

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THE CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE STATES.

important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquillity of the United States, to take my leave of your Excellency as a public character, and to give my final blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own.

Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated; we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing; this is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of view.

The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency; they are from this period to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity: here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings by giving a surer opportunity for political happiness than any other nation has ever been favored with. Nothing can illustrate thèse observations more forcibly than the recollection of the happy conjuncture of these times and circumstances under which our Republic assumed its rank among the nations. The foundation of our empire has not been laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period: researches of the human mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent: the treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators,

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through a long succession of years, are laid open for use, and their collected wisdom may be hap pily applied in the establishment of our forms of government: the free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period the United States came into existence as a nation, and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. Such is our situation, and such are our pros pects; but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own; yet it appears to me, there is an option still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miser. able as a nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the world are turned upon them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever; this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the Federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a blessing, or a curse, not to the present age alone; for, with our fate, will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments, may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the determination I have formed, of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel,

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