DISCONTENT IN ARMY; WASHINGTON'S LETTER. government, they began to consider placing supreme authority in the hands of one man. Their sentiments were presented to Washington in a very able letter, stating the present condition of affairs, and setting forth the defects of the political organization as it existed at that time. This letter closes with the following remarks: "This must have shown to all, and to military men in particular, the weakness of republics, and the exertions the army have been able to make by being under a proper head. Therefore, I little doubt, that, when the benefits of a mixed government are pointed out, and duly considered, such will be readily adopted. In this case, it will, I believe, be uncontroverted, that the same abilities which have led us through difficulties, apparently insurmountable by human power, to victory and glory, those qualities that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. Some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy, as to find it very difficult to separate them. It may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as I propose some title apparently more moderate; but, if all things were once adjusted, I believe strong arguments might be produced for admitting the name of KING, which I conceive would be attended with some material advantages." In answering this communication, Washington said: 285 further agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary. "I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address, which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army than I do; and as far as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed, to the utmost of my abilities, to effect it, should there be any occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself and posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment, of the like nature. "I am, sir, &c., "GEORGE WASHINGTON." Meanwhile, having an army of but 10,000 men, Washington had been unable to undertake offensive operations, and the summer passed away in inactivity. General Carleton also remained quiet in New York, and to all intents and purposes the war was at an end. Early in August Washington was informed by Carleton and Digby that negotiations for peace had been opened at Paris; that the independence of the United States. would be acknowledged; that Laurens had been set at liberty; and that passports would be given to such Americans as had been detained prisoners in England.† Carleton also wrote to * See Sparks' ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. viii., pp. 300-302; and his Life of Washington, p. 355; Lodge, George Washington, vol. i., pp. 329-330; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., pp. 429-430. † Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., 286 ARMISTICE PROPOSED; WASHINGTON'S LETTER. Washington, stating that he saw no reason for continuing the contest, and therefore disapproved of further hostilities either on sea or land, saying that these "could only tend to multiply the miseries of individuals, without a possible advantage to either nation." He added that he had withheld the dispatching of Indian parties against the frontiers and had recalled those already in the field. As a result of these communications to the commander-in-chief, the French minister in America became jealous, and in order to put at rest any feeling in the matter, Congress renewed its resolution to enter into no discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence and in concert with his most Christian majesty." On April 12, 1782, the French fleet under De Grasse was defeated by the English fleet under Rodney, thus giving security to the British West India Islands, and it was feared that because of this the negotiations for peace might be protracted and possibly broken off altogether, and that hostilities might even be renewed.* The commanding officers had contemplated a reduction of the army, but because of the neglect of the States in furnishing money to the Continental Treasury, there was no means of paying the officers and troops, and *For the operations of the French and English in other parts of the world, see Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 504-523, and authorities cited. indeed, hardly enough could be obtained to furnish supplies for the army. Washington thereupon wrote a note to the Secretary of War, in which he said: "While I premise that no one I have seen or heard of appears opposed to the principle of reducing the army as circumstances may require; yet I cannot help fearing the result of the measure in contemplation, under present circumstances, when I see such a number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury, and what they call the ingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing of money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days, and, many of them, their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country; and having suffered everything which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended by one thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow, of a serious and distressing nature. "I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture, so far as the real life would justify me in doing, or I would give anecdotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the history of mankind. But you may rely upon it, the patience and long sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. While in the field it may be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage; but when we retire into winter quarters (unless the storm be previously dissipated,) I cannot be at ease respecting the consequences. It is high time for a peace." While inactivity prevailed in the North to a great degree, operations were still being carried on in the South. General St. Clair, who conducted the reinforcements from Yorktown toward the South, reached Gen*Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iv., 433. PP. 432 FINAL OPERATIONS OF THE WAR. eral Greene's headquarters early in January. He had been instructed to invest the British post at Wilmington on his way down, but, before he arrived at that place, the British garrison evacuated, and he was not detained there. Because of the casualties of a long march, the force under St. Clair had considerably diminished and did little more than supply the vacancies in Greene's army, occasioned by the discharge of those soldiers whose terms expired on the last day of December. Upon St. Clair's arrival, Greene sent General Wayne across the Santee to protect Georgia. General Sir Alfred Clarke, commanding the British troops in that province, numbering about 1,000 regulars in addition to the militia, concentrated his force at Savannah. While Wayne was engaged in watching the movements of the British, a strong party of Creek Indians attacked his force on May 24, and Wayne barely saved it from total annihilation. This conflict terminated the war in Georgia. On July 11 Savannah was evacuated, and Wayne thereupon rejoined General Greene.* Because of the difficulty of procuring provisions, great discontent prevailed in the American army, and finally resulted in a treasonable correspondence between the Pennsylvania troops and the British. One of *Stillé, Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line, pp. 286-291; Heath's Memoirs, p. 323 (Abbatt's ed.); Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 534-535. 287 the objects of this intercourse was to seize General Greene and deliver him to a detachment of British which would march out from Charleston for that purpose. Fortunately, how ever, the design was discovered in time, and the chief conspirator was condemned and executed. Toward the end of April, a number of desertions from the army occurred in consequence of the ungrateful treatment of Congress.† Though the intention of evacuating Charleston was announced as early as August 7, General Leslie continued to occupy the city until December 14, and during this time proposed to General Greene that hostilities be suspended. The latter was strongly inclined to adopt this course, but did not consider that he possessed authority to enter into a definite arrangement with that end in view, deeming this a matter for the civil authorities. Leslie offered also to pay for the rice and other provisions sent into the town; but on the other hand, he threatened to take them by force and without compensation if they were withheld. General Greene suspected that this was a subterfuge to collect in Charleston a sufficient quantity to supply the army during its operations against the French West Indies, and therefore he declined to allow any such arrangement to be made. The See Greene, Life of Greene, pp. 365-366; Caldwell, Life of Greene, p. 363. Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 570-571. 288 LOSSES DURING WAR; DISCONTENT AMONG SOLDIERS. British thereupon made a number of foraging incursions into the country, and a number of skirmishes took place between them and the Americans. Though none of these skirmishes were of importance in themselves, still the American army suffered a severe loss when, during an engagement on August 27, Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens was killed.* Shortly afterward Captain Wilmot attacked a party of British soldiers at James Island, near Fort Johnson, but during the skirmish the captain and a number of men were killed, and the rest retreated.† This was the last battle of the Revolution.‡ Toward the latter end of September, the French troops left Virginia and joined the American forces on * Thacher, Military Journal, p. 313. See also Greene's letter, in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 529–530; Lossing, FieldBook of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 571–573. Lossing, p. 573. "It has been estimated that the loss of lives in the various armies of the United States, during the war, is not less than seventy thousand. The numbers who died on board of the horrid prison-ships of the enemy cannot be calculated. It is, however, confidently asserted, that no less than eleven thousand of our brave soldiers died on board the one called the Jersey prison-ship only! This dreadful mortality is universally attributed to the cruel treatment which they received while crowded together in close confinement. The loss to Great Britain is two large armies captured by the United States, exclusively of many thousands killed and taken in various actions during the war; thirteen colonies dismembered from her; and an increase of her national debt, in seven years, £120,000,000. The United States have gained that independence and liberty for which they contended, and find their debt to be less than $45,000,000, which is short of £10,000,000 sterling."-Thacher, Military Journal, p. 344. the Hudson. In October they marched CONDITION OF THE FINANCES, rence of nine States to any act appropriating money, had been adopted; and nine States had never been in favor of the measure." It was also well known that the majority of the members of Congress opposed this method of compensating the army officers, and it was but natural that inquietude among the officers should increase as the time for disbanding the army approached.* Meanwhile laboring with the finances. It was estimated that $8,000,000 would be required during 1783, beside $1,200,000 to pay the interest on the domestic debt. A call for the latter amount had already been put in, the quota of each State, in the first place, to be applied to the payment of public creditors resident in it, while the Federal Treasury was only to receive the balance. When Congress met in November, 1782, with Elias Boudinot of New Jersey as President, the Pennsylvania Assembly complained of the neglect of Congress in liquidating and providing for the domestic debt, and intimated that the Assembly would apply the receipts from the Federal taxes just levied in that State toward paying the Federal creditors therein resident. Congress thereupon appointed commissioners for each State to audit, settle, and reduce to specie value, in accordance with the official scale of depreciation, all outstanding Congress had been 289 claims in the old paper currency for supplies furnished, services rendered or money advances made to the government or expended on Federal account. Commissioners were also appointed to settle the accounts of the old treasury, war and marine boards, of the various army departments, and of the agents, commercial correspondents and other commissioners in Europe. Pennsylvania, therefore, in view of the willingness of Congress to settle its accounts, decided to withhold the threatened action. In the meantime the majority of the States had reluctantly assented to the proposed import duty of 5 per cent.* Georgia had just been restored to the Union and had not yet considered the subject. Rhode Island, however, refused to give her assent to the measure, stating that the tax was unequal, that it would bear hardest on commercial States and particularly Rhode Island, and that it was dangerous to trust its collection to Federal officers not known nor even accountable to the State governments.† Hamilton prepared an answer to these objections,‡ and a com *See Dallas, Laws of Pennsylvania, vol. i., p. 890; Wilson, Acts of New Jersey, p. 191; Journal of the [Va.] House of Delegates, May 30, 1781; Hening's Statutes-at-Large, vol. x., p. 459; Journals of Congress, vol. iii., pp. 594, 600, 674; Oberholtzer, Life of Robert Morris, pp. 184-187. Rhode Island Records, vol. ix., pp. 487, 612, 682-684; Bates, Rhode Island and the Formation of the Union, pp. 72-82; Staples, Rhode Island in the Continental Congress, p. 400. Journals of Congress, vol. iv., p. 200; Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, p. 39. |