WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO CONGRESS. divert Washington's attention while a stronger force made an attack on the Highlands, or whether the object was to fall upon the stores at Morristown. In either contingency, Washington was prepared and was constantly watching Clinton's movements. The first few months of the year were passed in these desultory operations, but Washington was deprived of the means of attempting anything beyond defensive measures, because both Congress and the States were so tardy in furnishing supplies, etc., the government was weak and inefficient, and money had depreciated to a remarkable extent. Toward the end of April, Lafayette arrived at Boston from France, bringing news that the latter would shortly send large reinforcements in troops and great quantities of supplies.* For a time this served to arouse the Americans from the lethargy into which they had fallen. Requisitions *The enthusiasm and importunity of Lafayette in behalf of his adopted country were so great that the French prime minister, Count de Maurepas, said one day, rather sarcastically, in council: “It is fortunate for the king, that Lafayette does not take it into his head to strip Versailles of its furniture, to send to his dear Americans; as his majesty would be unable to refuse it." Not content with these public succors, he generously expended large sums of his private fortune, in providing swords and appointments for the corps placed under his command. Sparks, Life of Wash ington, p. 309, note. His instructions from the French court may be found in Sparks' ed. of Washington's Writing, vol. vii., p. 496. On his services in behalf of America at the French court see Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. ii., chaps. xvii.-xviii. On the aid of France in general, see James B. Perkins, France in the American Revolution (1911). * 181 from the various States for men and money were urged with still greater earnestness; Washington also was busily engaged writing to the public officials requesting that they put forth greater exertions to remedy the condition of affairs and urging upon them to act in concert with the allies when they arrived. The States, however, executed the resolutions of Congress very slowly and it was a long time before the requests began to bear fruit. Washington had seen that the predominance of State systems over the national system must in the end work injury to the cause, and in writing of the matter to Congress he said: "Unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone; unless they are vested with powers by the several states competent to the great purposes of the war, or assume them as matter of right, and they and the states respectively, act with more energy than hitherto they have done; our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill-timing the adoption of measures; by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses and derive no benefit. One state will comply with a requisition from Congress; another neglects to do it; a third executes it by halves; and all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always working up hill; and while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, we shall ever be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage. This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of Congress; but it is the language of truth and friendship. It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen; I see one army branching into thirteen, and, instead of looking up to Congress, as the supreme controlling power of the United States, considering themselves as dependent on their respective states. In a word, I see the power of Congress declining too fast * Journals of Congress, vol. vi., pp. 50-51. 182 RELIEF MEASURES; FRENCH FLEET ARRIVES WITH TROOPS. for the consequence and respect which are due to them, as the great representative body of America, and am fearful of its consequences." While the States themselves were slow in furnishing their quotas of troops and money, some relief was obtained from private sources. The citizens of Philadelphia, among whom were Robert Morris, Clymer and others, formed an association to procure a supply of necessary articles for the suffering soldiers. Within a few days $300,000 were subscribed, and in this way relief was afforded to the army, though really not enough to greatly alleviate their sufferings. There was still a great deficiency, especially in articles of clothing, and Washington expressed his sorrow that the troops and officers would be compelled to meet the French forces in this destitute condition. The summer was now far advanced, and yet Washington was uncertain as to the number of troops upon which he could rely for active operations. He therefore wrote to Congress as follows: "The season is come when we have every reason to expect the arrival of the fleet; and yet for want of this point of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to form a system of co-operation. I have no basis to act upon, and of course, were this generous succor of our ally now to arrive, I should find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and painful situation. The general and the admiral, as soon as they approach our coast, will require of me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought of right to be one prepared; but circumstanced as I am, I cannot even give them conjectures. From these considerations, I yesterday suggested to the committee* the in * A Committee of Congress, General Schuyler being one of the members, spent some two or three months in camp at this date, to take measures for dispensable necessity of their writing again to the states, urging them to give immediate and precise information of the measures they have taken, and of the result. The interest of the states, the honor and reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude due to our allies; all require that I should, without delay, be enabled to ascertain and inform them, what we can or cannot undertake. There is a point which ought now to be determined, on the success of which all our future operations may depend; on which, for want of knowing our prospects, I can make no decision. For fear of involving the fleet and army of our allies in circumstances which would expose them, if not seconded by us, to material inconvenience and hazard, I shall be compelled to sustain it, and delay may be fatal to our hopes." On July 10, 1780, the French fleet, consisting of six ships of the line and five frigates, entered Newport Harbor. The fleet was under the command of Charles Louis d'Arsac, Chevalier de Ternay, and the army under the command of Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeure, Comte de Rochambeau.* The entire force of French soldiers, about 6,000, was placed under Washington's supreme direction, and was to act as an auxiliary and to yield precedence to the Americans, thus eliminating the possibility of jealousy or dissatisfaction on the part of either. The disaster at Savannah had suggested the wisdom of this measure. With the combined force Washington now desired to make an attack upon New securing the aid and relief so urgently needed. Schuyler devoted much time to finding and forwarding provisions to the army and was often obliged to pledge his private credit in order to obtain the supplies. See Tuckerman, Life of Schuyler, p. 244. *His instructions will be found in Sparks' ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. vii., p. 493. † Marshall, Life of Washington, vol. iv., p. 257. FRENCH FLEET BLOCKADED; ARMIES INACTIVE. · York, and accordingly a plan was drawn up and submitted by Lafayette to the French commander. The French troops were to join the American army early in August at Morrisania and undoubtedly would have done so had not the British naval force at New York been reinforced by a a fleet under Admiral Graves. This deprived the French fleet of its superiority over the British, which was essential to the consummation of Washington's plan.* Because of their superiority, the British determined to attack the French at Newport, and, with 8,000 of his best men to coöperate with the fleet, Clinton embarked for Rhode Island. Fearing that Washington might attack New York during his absence, Clinton proceeded no further than Huntington Bay, Long Island, and then hastily returned to the city. † The fleet, however, succeeded in blockading the French vessels so that they were unable to aid the Americans. It was hoped that another fleet, then in the West Indies under command of Count de Guichen, would soon arrive and enable the French to un * For details of the plan see Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. ii., pp. 113-128; Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 285291. See also Heath's and Rochambeau's letters in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 35-37. Carrington, Battles of the Revolution, p. 503; Ford's ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. viii., pp. 364-375; Heath's Memoirs, p. 227 et seq. (Abbatt's ed.); Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., pp. 655-656; Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. ii., p. 129-137. 183 dertake the expedition originally planned for attacking New York. When the expectations of the Americans were at the highest pitch and when everything was in readiness to put the plans into execution, word was received that de Guichen had departed for France. Nevertheless, Washington adhered to his purpose of attacking New York. He corresponded with the French commanders, and on September 21 conferred in person with them at Hartford.† But shortly afterward Admiral Sir George Rodney arrived with a fleet of 11 ships of the line, which compelled the allies to abandon all their plans. for the season. With infinite regret, Washington beheld the succession of abortive projects throughout the campaign of 1780, for he had great expectations of being able to terminate the war this year with the active coöperation of the French. In a letter to a friend he writes as follows: "We are now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favorable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening, which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to domestic life. The favorable disposition of Spain; the promised succor from France; the combined force in the West Indies; the declaration of Russia (acceded to by other powers of Europe, humiliating to the naval pride and power of Great Britain), the suporiority of France and Spain by sea, in Europe; the Irish claims, and English disturb *Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., p. 292. Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 312. On the correspondence and negotiations between Lafay ette, Washington, and the French generals see Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. ii., pp. 138-163. 184 EXPLOITS OF TALLMADGE, CARLETON AND JOHNSON. ances; formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast, which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams, that the hour of deliverance was not far distant: for that, however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But, alas! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory; and I see nothing before us, but accumu lating distress. We have been half of our time without provisions, and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them. We have lived upon expedients, until we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look back; nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. But, to suppose that this great revolu tion can be accomplished by a temporary army; that this army will be subsisted by state supplies; and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is, in my opinion, absurd." * During the remainder of the campaign but few operations were carried on, and those of no moment. On November 21, 1780, being informed that the British had a large magazine at Coram, Long Island, which was protected only by a small garrison at Fort George, on South Haven, Major Tallmadge crossed the sound with about 100 men, surprised the fort, and made the garrison of 50 troops prisoners and then burned the maga zines at Coram. He recrossed the sound and returned to his starting point without losing a single man.† To offset this expedition, Major Carleton in the latter part of October See also Ford's ed. of Washington's Writings, vol. viii., pp. 383-400, 405–407, 410–412, 415, 417, 419, 421-423, 432-437, 468, 476-479, 505, vol. ix., pp. 13, 17, 45-48, 53-62, 73, 79-80, 110, 116, 137, 139-142, 165. Thacher, Military Journal, p. 237; Heath's Memoirs, p. 245 (Abbatt's ed.). made a sudden irruption into the northern part of New York at the head of 1,000 Europeans, Indians and Loyalists and captured Forts Anne and George, making the garrisons prisoners. Sir John Johnson, too, at the head of a smaller body of troops, lay waste a large section of the Mohawk Valley. A number of skirmishes were fought, as a result of which Johnson was compelled to retreat.* Madison says: "The inroads of the enemy on the frontier of New York have been distressing and wasteful almost beyond their own example. They have totally laid in ashes a fine settlement called Schoharie, which was capable, General Washington says, of yielding no less than 80,000 bushels of grain for public consumption. Such a loss is inestimable, and is the more to be regretted because both local circumstances and the energy of that government left little doubt that it would have been applied to public use."† The winter was now approaching and both armies were placed in winter quarters. The French army remained at Newport, with the exception of the legion of Duke de Lauzun, which was stationed at Lebanon, in Connecticut. Washington stationed the Pennsylvania line near Morris *See Governor Clinton's letter of October 30 to Washington, in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 130-135; Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 279 et seq.; Roberts, New York, vol. ii., p. 430 et seq. Madison's Works (Congress ed.), vol. i., p. 37. PAUL JONES AND THE BONHOMME RICHARD. town; the Jersey line in the vicinity of Pompton; the New England troops on both sides of the Hudson in the vicinity of West Point; while the New York troops were ordered to remain at Albany, whither they had been sent to oppose the inroads of Carleton and Johnson. Meanwhile the navy had been conducting itself quite creditably, considering its size. We have already spoken about the exploits of Paul Jones, and during the year of 1779 he made his name still more famous. Jones had obtained an old vessel in France, which he renamed the Bonhomme Richard.* She was pierced for 40 guns and manned by about 375 men. Jones formed a little squadron by adding three other vessels, the Alliance, 36 guns, the Pallas, 32 guns, and the Vengeance, 12 guns, Jones acting as commodore of the squad ron. Toward the end of July, 1779, Jones set sail from l'Orient and steered for the western coast of Ireland. He swept the seas in all directions until, on September 19, he had come off the Firth of Forth, after which he directed his course to Flamborough Head, England.† On the 23d he fell in with a fleet of merchant * See Hale, Franklin in France, vol. i., p. 253 et seq. Many writers state that Flamborough Head is on the coast of Scotland, but even a casual glance at the map of England will show that it is on the coast of England, just north of the 54th parallel of north latitude. Even Fisher, in his Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., p. 253, a book published in 1908, makes this mistake. He evidently follows the old accounts. 185 men from the Baltic under the convoy of the Serapis, Captain Richard Pearson, and the Countess of Scarborough, Captain Piercy. Captain Pearson had received intelligence that Jones was in the vicinity, and when the headmost of the fleet sighted Jones' squadron, all the vessels crowded on sail to escape, while the Serapis made haste to place herself between Jones and the merchantmen. By four o'clock of the 23d Captain Pearson was able to make out that Jones' fleet consisted of three large ships and a brig. He ordered the Countess of Scarborough to join him as soon as possible, and a little after seven the battle commenced. For a long time the fight was vigorously maintained by both sides, each vessel using every means to gain an advantage. The Serapis was handled much more easily than the Bonhomme Richard, and Captain Pearson was able to obtain advantages in spite of every effort of Jones to prevent it. Not only was the Serapis superior in sailing qualities, but also in armament, carrying 44 guns in two tiers, the lower of which were 18 pounders. Jones determined to lay his ship athwart the hawse of the other, and though he did not entirely succeed in his object, yet as the bowsprit of the Serapis ran between his poop and mizzen-mast, the two vessels were lashed together. They were now so close that the muzzles of the guns of the one touched the sides. of the opposite vessel and in this |