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America, the notion was entertained that the war was virtually at an end and that the French would finish the quarrel with the British while the Americans stood by and, in case of victory, reap all the benefits. This considerably alarmed Washington and those who had the sagacity to see the outcome of this tendency toward relaxation, and they used every endeavor to remedy the condition of affairs. They issued numbers of exhortations to the people, pointing out that the respect of the allies should not be forfeited by their own weakening conduct, that peril was still at hand, and that they must continue their exertions if they wished the war to terminate successfully. It was in vain, however. The people would not be aroused, for they had become reckless as to consequences, and were willing to risk their future on the turn of events, provided they themselves were not compelled to undergo any further hardships.

The army had been recruited very slowly. Large numbers of the veterans had served the term for which they had enlisted and retired to their homes, while others became tired of serving a government from whom they received only paper moncy in payment for their services, and deserted. Congress had stipulated that new recruits must enlist for three years or until the end of the war, and on this basis but few volunteers could be secured; while on the other hand, short time volunteers were of no use

however, were not the only influences with which the patriots were called upon to contend, for among a certain class of people a lust for riches had sprung up-no matter how these riches were obtained. Large numbers of men sought to acquire private fortunes at the expense of the public, and nothing mattered to them so they could fatten on the substance of the state. While the patriots were exerting their energies, spending their private fortunes, and devoting their very lives to their country, these speculators unblushingly plundered the public and divided the spoils. All private contracts became the object of their usurious influence and nefarious gains; contracts for army supplies were padded and very often the States were muleted of huge sums of money for which they received absolutely nothing. While robbing with their hands, these plunderers were singing forth their own praises and lauding

*See Greene's letters to Washington in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 271– 275, 371-374, and other letters in the same volume.

themselves as being the only ones animated with national patriotism and a desire for freedom. Those who refused to concur in their plans for debauching the public credit and plundering the continental treasury were denounced as Tories, Loyalists, bought by England, etc.

The great poverty of the country at this time led to the issuing of enormous sums of irredeemable paper currency, which, from the very nature of things, soon became almost worthless; and with malignant cruelty, the British added to the confusion by issuing quantities of counterfeit paper. The faith in contracts was dead and everywhere violated, and the government itself was a party to the pecuniary frauds of these agents and servants. Innumerable times hardened creditors had taken advantage of their contracts which had been made when paper and coin were at par, and demanded at the present time the fulfillment of these contracts in coin. Others compelled creditors to take depreciated

continental bills, which

upon their face were equal in value to coin, in payment of debts contracted at the time when coin was current. The contagion soon became general, spreading throughout the country, and even Washington himself experienced a taste of such fraudulent transactions on the part of those to whom he had given aid in times of dire necessity. The country suffered, too, from the activities of certain speculators, who by circulating favorable and

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unfavorable news, as suited their purposes, reaped huge rewards from the temporary rise or fall in the currency. At first but a few were successful, but when others saw fortunes being made from this kind of speculation, they immediately engaged in the nefarious traffic and the most estimable and upright soon sank into indigence. The contagion spread to all classes of persons and finally the soldiers became infected, refusing to enlist unless an enormous bounty were given them. No one would contract to furnish supplies to the government, nor manufacturers to supply the contractors, the contractors, without enormous profits. Few would accept public office without a large salary and illicit perquisites. Washington summed up the state of affairs in a few short sentences to Harrison, as follows:

"If I were to be called upon to draw a picture of the times and of men, from what I have seen, heard, and in part know, I should in one word say that idleness, dissipation, and extravagance scem to have laid fast hold of most of them; that speculation, peculation, and an insatiable thirst for riches seem to have got the better of every other consideration, and almost of every order of men; that party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day; while the momentous concerns cf an empire, a great and accumulating debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and want of credit, which, in its consequences, is the want cf everything, are but secondary considerations and postponed from day to day and week to week as if our affairs wore the most promising aspect." *

Undoubtedly the disorder and confusion in the finances and general

* Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii.. p. 516; Lodge, Ceorge Washington, vol. i., pp. 253–254.

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affairs greatly affected labor conditions; the ordinary pursuits of commerce and industry were abandoned for the more alluring chances of gaining fortunes by speculation without any appreciable effort.*

The effect of this general disorder was seen directly in the army, for so greatly had paper money depreciated that the pay of officers and privates was unequal to their support,† which of necessity produced great discontent. In May, 1779, the Jersey Brigade had been ordered to march to the West, but General Maxwell replied to this order by stating that the officers of the first regiment had sent a remonstrance to their colonel, addressed to the New Jersey Legislature, in which they declared that, unless their previous complaints regarding pay were given immediate attention, they were to be considered at the end of three days as having resigned their commissions. In case of such a contingency, they requested the Legislature to appoint officers to take their places. Knowing the justice of their demands, the sufferings through which they had gone, and the sterling patriotism of the general rank and file, Washington was heartily in sympathy with them, but at the same time foresaw the result of such action on their part. Therefore, in

*See Botta, History of the War of Independence, vol. iii., pp. 76-91.

For a brief resumé of this subject see Ramsey, History of the American Resolution, vol. ii., pp.

12-22.

the capacity of friend and commander, he wrote a letter to General Maxwell to be laid before the officers* in which he made a forcible appeal to their patriotism, as follows:

"There is nothing which has happened in the course of the war, that has given me so much pain as the remonstrance you mention from the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I cannot but consider it a hasty and imprudent step, which, on more cool consideration, they will themselves condemn. I am very sensible of the inconveniences under which the officers of the army labor, and I hope they do me the justice to believe, that my endeavors to procure them relief are incessant. There is more difficulty, however, in satisfying their wishes, than perhaps they are aware of. Our resources have been hitherto very limited. The situation of our money is no small embarrassment, for which, though there are remedies, they cannot be the work of a moment. Government is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the officers, nor unwilling to make a compensation; but it is a truth of which a very little observation must convince us, that it is very much straitened in the means. Great allowances ought to be made on this account, for any delay and seeming backwardness which may appear.

"Some of the states, indeed, have done as generously as was in their power; and if others have been less expeditious, it ought to be ascribed to some peculiar cause, which a little time, aided by example, will remove. The patience and perseverance of the army have been, under every disadvantage, such as do them the highest honor at home and abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune, to which our affairs in a struggle of this nature, were necessarily exposed.

"Now that we have made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so that we cannot fail, without a most shameful desertion of our own interests, any thing like a change of conduct would imply a very unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our country. Did I suppose it possible this should be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I

*Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 520-

521.

should feel it as a wound given to my own honor, which I consider as embarked with that of the army. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind would weigh well the consequences; and no officer of common discernment and sensibility would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army? Or, if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country? They would remember that the army would share a double portion of the general infamy and distress; and that the character of an American officer would become as despicable as it is now glorious.

"I confess the appearances in the present instance are disagreeable; but I am convinced they seem to mean more than they really do. The Jersey officers have not been outdone by any others, in the qualities either of citizens or soldiers; and I am confident no part of them would seriously intend any thing that would be a stain on their former reputation. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest; they have only reasoned wrong about the means of attaining a good end, and, on consideration, I hope and flatter myself they will renounce what must appear improper.

"At the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders for an important service, their own honor, duty to the public, and to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a violation of them all. It will even wound their delicacy coolly to reflect, that they have hazarded a step which has an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment.

"The declaration they have made to the state, at so critical a time, that unless they obtain relief in the short period of three days, they must be considered out of the service,' has very much that aspect; and the seeming relaxation of continuing until the state can have a reasonable time to provide other officers, will be thought only a superficial veil.

"I am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to the gentlemen concerned, and endeavor to make them sensible of their error. The service for which the regiment was intended, will not admit of delay. It must at all events march on Monday morning, in the first place to

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this camp, and further directions will be given when it arrives. I am sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obedience."

This considerably softened the attitude of the officers, and while they did not recede entirely from their claims, they continued to serve in the army and declared to the commander-inchief their unhappiness that any

step of theirs should give him pain." They said that their conduct was justifiable under the circumstances, as they were in extreme want and repeated memorials to their Legislature had produced no change. They added:

"We have lost all confidence in that body. Reason and experience forbid that we should have any. Few of us have private fortunes; many have families who are already suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home; and that without the distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal? We are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish or desire this from us.

"We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. It was, and still is, our determination to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers until the legislature should have a reasonable time to appoint others; but no longer.

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take no other notice of their letter than to declare to the officers through General Maxwell," that while they continued to do their duty, he should only regret the part they had taken.' A short time afterward the Jersey Legislature made partial provision for their troops, who thereupon continued to serve without further complaint. Washington knew by experience the ill consequences likely to result from the measures adopted by the Jersey Brigade, and he therefore urged upon Congress that some general and adequate provision be made for the army officers, observing, "that the distresses in some corps are so great, that officers have solicited even to be supplied with clothing destined for the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not power to comply with the request. The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and honor, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." Congress, however, was greatly divided upon this matter; some agreed with Washington that a permanent army should be established, well equipped, well supplied and well supported; while others feared that a permanent army would infringe upon their future liberties and emphatically stated their preference for enlistments for short periods not exceeding a year. Others favored a

State system, and the occasional calling upon the States for quotas for the Continental army. In the consideration of military affairs, sometimes one party predominated and sometimes the other, the consequence of which was that Washington at no time received the undivided support of Congress.

Meanwhile the finances continued to be a source of anxiety and much trouble. Bills of credit constituted the main resource of Congress and as their value depreciated, the issues became larger and larger. During the first six months of 1778, $23,500,000 had been issued, but this being insufficient, $5,000,000 were authorized in July, $15,000,000 in September, and $10,000,000 each in November and December, thus bringing the total for the year up to $63,500,000 and the total outstanding up to nearly $100,000,000. "Several millions of these bills had been exchanged for certificates of loan bearing interest; but the bills thus borrowed had been immediately paid out again, and the certificates of war, serving themselves to a certain extent as a currency, helped also to increase the depreciation, which, before the end of the year, amounted in the North to six, in the South to eight for one."* The States had been called upon also to raise $15,000,000 of paper dollars by taxation, and in December, 1778, were

* Hildreth, vol. iii., p. 264.