PARLIAMENT PASSES CONCILIATORY MEASURES. tacked Lord North and the ministry,* who endeavored to shift the blame from themselves to the shoulders of the commanders in America. It was asserted that the ministry had taken every step to insure success, and deprecated condemnation of the position without full inquiry. Before anything could be done in this matter, however, Parliament adjourned to January 20, 1778.† At this time the British ministry was anxious to terminate the conflict with America before hostilities should commence with France. Consequently, on February 17, 1778, two bills were introduced in Commons. The first declared that Parliament would impose no duty or tax whatever, payable within any of the American colonies, with the exception of such duties as might be imposed for commercial purposes, but the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to and for the use of the colonies in which such duties were levied. The second authorized the appointment by the crown of commissioners to treat with the colonies or with individuals in the colonies with the object of settling the differences, the stipulation being made, however, that nothing they should do would be binding until Parliament had ap 97 proved their acts. The commissioners were empowered to proclaim a cessation of hostilities and to suspend the operation of the Non-Intercourse Act; during the continuance of the act to suspend all or any parts of the acts of Parliament passed since February 10, 1763, relating to the colonies; to grant pardons; and to appoint a governor in any colony wherein the king had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointments. This act was to remain in force until June 1, 1779.* The bills were passed and on March 11 received the royal signature.† When news of the introduction of Lord North's conciliatory bill reached France, the French government realized that the time had come when they must act with some decision. Accordingly, on December 17, Conrad Alexander Gérard notified the American commissioners "that after a long and mature deliberation upon their propositions, his majesty had * Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., pp. 356-357; Bancroft, vol. v., pp. 247-248; Fiske, American Revolution, vol. ii., p. 7 et seq.; Reed, Life of Joseph Reed, vol. i., pp. 371-399. Writing to the President of Congress, July 27, 1778, John Adams says: "The King of Great Britain and his council have determined to send to me to be the last effort to seduce, deceive, and 98 TREATIES WITH FRANCE; CONCILIATORY BILLS IN AMERICA. determined to recognize the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it with all the means in his power, that perhaps he was about to engage himself in an expensive war upon this account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them; in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish the power of England by severing her colonies from her."* Therefore, on February 6, 1778, Franklin, Deane, and Lee on behalf of the United States, and Gérard for France, signed a treaty of commerce and a treaty of defensive alliance in case war should be the consequence of this commercial connection. The direct end of this alliance was" to maintain the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce." The French government then sent notice of this * See Franklin's report to Congress, in Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. ii., p. 452; also Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. i., pp. 313-315; Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 288 et seq. + See Treaties and Conventions of the United States, pp. 296-310; Snow, Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, pp. 26-35. See also the letter from Franklin and Deane in Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondnce, vol. ii., p. 490. See Bancroft, vol. v., pp. 244-246; Fisher, treaty to London, the notice closing with the following paragraphs: "In making this communication to the Court of London, the king is firmly persuaded, that it will find in it fresh proofs of his majesty's constant and sincere dispositions for peace; and that his Britannic majesty, animated by the same sentiments, will equally avoid every thing that may interrupt good harmony; and that he will take, in particular, effectual measures to hinder the commerce of his majesty's subjects with the United States of America from being disturbed, and cause to be observed, in this respect, the usages received between trading nations and the rules that may be considered as subsisting between the crowns of France and Great Britain. "In this just confidence, the underwritten ambassador might think it superfluous to apprize the British ministry, that the king, his master, being determined effectually to protect the lawful freedom of the commerce of his subjects, and to sustain the honor of his flag, his majesty has taken in consequence eventual measures, in concert with the United States of North America." Meanwhile copies of Lord North's conciliatory bills had been sent to America, where they arrived about the middle of April, 1778. Governor Tryon caused them to be printed and sent copies to Washington, requesting in the letter that he aid in circulating them," that the people at large might be acquainted with the favorable disposition of Great Britain toward the American colonies."* Washington forwarded the papers to Congress. Had the British been disposed to offer the same terms prior to the outbreak of hostilities, it is probable that Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., p. 115 et seq.; Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 293 et seq.; Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., p. 472 et seq.; Morse, Life of Franklin, pp. 267-276; Hale, Franklin in France, vol. i., p. 175 et seq. CONCILIATION REJECTED; JOY OVER FRENCH TREATY. great satisfaction would have resulted, but at the present juncture the condition of affairs was very different. The colonies had declared themselves to be independent and were now determined to fight for their independence. Washington himself urged that nothing less than independence would be satisfactory, and no terms short of this would be considered66 a peace on other terms, if I may be allowed the expression, would be a peace of war."* The majority of the members of Congress held the same view, and on April 22 it was unanimously resolved that the offers of the British ministry be rejected. At the same time bills regarding the proceedings in connection with the rejection of these offers were ordered to be printed and widely circulated.† This action had been taken ten days before news arrived that a treaty had been concluded between France and the United States. When the conclusion of the treaty became known, May 2, there was 99 ington issued orders that the whole army in camp at Valley Forge should participate in the general joy and satisfaction; and a celebration in honor of the event concluded with an entertainment, music, toasts, etc.† In a few days Congress prepared an "Address to the Inhabitants of the United States "recommending that it be read in churches of all denominations. We quote a paragraph or two from the address: 66 The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain, and the Parlia ment which proscribed us, now descend to offer terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they pulled off the mask, and avowed their intended despotism. But having lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of this execrable purpose, they now endeavor to ensnare us with the insidious offers of a reconciliation. They intend to lull you with fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new armies to prosecute their nefarious designs. If this is not the case, why do they strain every nerve to levy men throughout their islands? why do they meanly court every little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy slaves? why do they continue to imbitter the minds of the savages against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the affections of America. Be not, therefore, deceived. You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your inde great rejoicing throughout the land. ‡ pendence, cannot secure your country from desola The treaties were immediately ratified by Congress, and on May 6 Wash † See Washington's ironical letter forwarding copies of these bills to Tryon, in Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 423-424. "In national events, the public attention is generally fixed on the movements of armies and fleets. Mankind never fail to do homage to the able general and expert admiral. To this they are justly entitled; but as great a tribute is due to the statesman, who, from a more elevated station, determines on measures in which the general safety and welfare of empires are involved. This tion, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from glory in a particular manner, belongs to the Count de Vergennes, who, as his Most Christian Majesty's minister of foreign affairs, conducted the conferences which terminated in these treaties." - Ramsay, History of the American Revolution, 100 BRITISH PEACE COMMISSIONERS ARRIVE. butchery. Foiled in their principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then! to your tents! and gird you for battle! It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of the destroyer. They have filled up the measure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace, whilst any corner of America is in possession of your foes. You must drive them away from this land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent, already implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours, to dispense to them the heavenly gift. And what is there now to prevent it?" Early in June Frederick Howard, the Earl of Carlisle, George Johnstone and William Eden, afterward Lord Aukland, the British commissioners, arrived in Philadelphia.* For the secretary of the commissioners, Dr. Adam Ferguson, Sir Henry Clinton, who had now succeeded Howe as commander-in-chief, requested a passport to go to Yorktown so that he might lay certain papers before Congress. Washington thought that this matter was not within his province and declined. until he should receive advices from Congress, who sustained him in refusing the passport. Thereupon the commissioners sent the papers, addressed to the president of Congress, * Mahon, History of England, vol. vi., p. 246 (ed. of 1853). For their instructions see Reed, Life of Joseph Reed, vol. i., pp. 430–436. * See Laurens' letter to Johnstone in Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 136137; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 437438; Trevelyan, American Revolution, vol. iv., p. 365; Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 143-144. through the ordinary medium of a flag of truce.* In their letter, the commissioners offered to discontinue hostilities immediately, to agree that no military force should be maintained in the colonies, unless by the consent of Congress, and also that the right of taxation of tea would be relinquished and representation of the colonies in Parliament be provided. They promised also to pay off at the earliest possible date such paper money as had been issued and was then in circulation. Although the commissioners offered every inducement, the terms fell short of giving independence, and consequently, having so long sustained the struggle alone, the colonists were not likely to submit now that the support of France was assured.t Congress, therefore, directed the president of that body to write the British commissioners, which he did as follows: "I have received the letter from your Excellencies, dated the 9th instant, with the enclosures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his Most Christian Majesty, the good and great ally of these States, or to consider propositions so * Acting under a strong impulse, Lafayette sent a challenge to the Earl of Carlisle, who, as he thought, had impeached the honor of France in the communications made by the commissioners to Congress. The Earl declined a resort to this barbarous mode of settling the points in dispute. See Lafayette's and D'Estaing's letters to Washington asking his advice as to Lafayette's course regarding this. Sparks, Correspondence of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 209-210, 213-214, 224-226; also Tower, Marquis de LaFayette, vol. ii., p. 31 et seq. See Ramsey, American Revolution, vol. i., pp. 395-400. FAILURE OF THE PEACE MISSION. derogatory to the honor of an independent nation. The acts of the British Parliament, the commission from your sovereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these States to be the subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to inform your Excellencies, that Congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. They will therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be an explicit acknowledgment of these States, or the withdrawing of his fleet and armies." * On October 3 the commissioners published a final manifesto to the American people, to which on the 10th Congress replied by a cautionary declaration. Thacher in his Military Journal (p. 139) says that "Governor Johnstone, one of the commissioners, with inexcusable effrontery, offered a bribe to Mr. Reed, a member Journals of Congress, vol. ii., pp. 345, 521-524, 588-592; Ramsey, American Revolution, vol. i., p. 402; Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 165-168. Patrick Henry in a letter to Richard Henry Lee on June 18 says: "Surely Congress will never recede from our French friends. Salvation to America depends upon holding fast our attachment to them. I shall date our ruin from the moment that it is exchanged for anything Great Britain can say or do. She can never be cordial with us. Baffled, defeated, disgraced by her colonies, she will ever meditate revenge. We can find no safety but in her ruin, or, at least, in her extreme humiliation; which has not happened and cannot happen, until she is deluged with blood, or thoroughly purged by a revolution, which shall wipe from existence the present king with his connections, and the present system with those who aid and abet it."-Tyler, Life of Patrick Henry, p. 227; Lee, Life of Richard Henry Lee, vol. i., pp. 195–196; Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, vol. i., p. 565. 101 of Congress. In an interview with Mrs. Ferguson at Philadelphia, whose husband [Hugh Ferguson] was a royalist, he desired she should mention to Mr. Reed, that if he would engage his interest to promote the object of their commission, he might have any office in the colonies, in the gift of his Britannic majesty, and ten thousand pounds in hand. Having solicited an interview with Mr. Reed, Mrs. Ferguson made her communication. Spurning the idea of being purchased, he replied, that he was not worth purchasing, but such as he was the king of Great Britain was not rich enough to do it.'"'* No overtures, however, were made to the commissioners from any quarter, and though they made many and various attempts to accomplish the object of their mission, they were finally compelled to return to England baffled and disappointed.f *See Reed, Life of Joseph Reed, vol. i., p. 384 et seq.; Mrs. Ellett, Women of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 196; Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 144–145. Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 170 et seq.. Lord Carlisle, in writing to a friend, said: "I enclose you our manifesto which you will never read. 'Tis sort of a dying speech of the commission: an effort from which I expect little success. Everything is upon a great scale upon this continent. The rivers are immense; the climate violent in heat and cold; the prospects magnificent; the thunder and lightning tremendous. The disorders incident to the country make every constitution tremble. We have nothing on a great scale with us but our blunders, our misconduct, our losses, our disgraces and misfortunes, that will mark the reign of a prince, who deserves better treatment and kinder fortunes."- Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 440-441. |