254

AN IMPARTIAL

NARRATIVE

OF THE LATE

MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCES

IN

MANCHESTER.

ENGLAND, WITH ALL THY FAULTS, I LOVE THEE STILL.COWPER.

LIVERPOOL:

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY HENRY FISHER,
Carton Printing Office;

AND 87, BARTHOLOMEW-CLOSE, London.

Bt from Lavid bow. Cut. 70.410

INTERESTING

NARRATIVE

OF THE

LATE MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCES IN

Manchester.

ALTHOUGH many events of considerable importance have engrossed the attention of the public since the restoration of peace, nothing has appeared so deeply interesting to all classes of the community, as the questions which have been agitated respecting a Reform in Parliament. The propriety, indeed, of adopting any measures, which may ultimately lead to a radical change in the present order of things, some presume seriously to doubt; but that, from a variety of causes, operating through the lapse of time, practice has deviated from principle, and consequently that a reformation of existing abuses is necessary, there are very few of any political creed who are disposed to deny.

Among those who make this profession, some, however, feel no hesitation in declaring, that they know not either where to begin, how to proceed, or when to stop. Others express an unwillingness to touch the venerable fabric, although they admit it to be out of repair. Another class, from a fear of consequences, decline all interference; and thus stand aloof from the impending ruin, which "threatens an hideous fall, one day, upon our heads." But unfortunately there are others who are deeply interested in the issues of those corruptions which exist. These, whether their numbers are great or small, form a more powerful tribe than any of the preceding; and that individual has but a slender knowledge of human nature, who can suppose that interested men will stand in the foremost ranks of those who are in earnest to correct abuses.

Nor can we doubt, that those who profess to be animated by a pure patriotic spirit, are equally diversified in their political character. To some men, both the partisan and the disinterested will allow the utmost credit for the sincerity of their professions. Yet few will be disposed to deny, that under the patriotic name, many may be found, who secretly aim at individual wealth or station, and only mount the scaffolding of reform, in order that they may

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step into power. Neither should it be dissembled, that there are others, who, having nothing to lose, would gladly disorganize the state, in the hope of securing something in the general wreck. Another tribe, instinctively turbulent, make commotion their element, and delight in anarchy. Such wretches "live in the whirlwind, and enjoy the storm.'

These two general classes, who may be denominated Reformers and Anti-Reformers, watch each other with eyes of jealous circumspection; and imputing the actions of their opponents to the most abandoned motives, they awaken into fury the unhallowed passions of our common nature, and display their talents in acts of mutual recrimination. Under circumstances so inauspicious, it is not easy for a real lover of his country, on many occasions, to distinguish unvarnished truth from the impositions of plausibility, even though he should attempt to "catch the manners living as they rise."

Among the numerous events to which the hope of obtaining a reform in Parliament has given birth, there is not one more interesting to the public, than that which has recently occurred at Manchester. The circumstances connected with a public meeting lately held in this populous town, though local in the immediate sphere of their operation, involve some questions of national importance; and as they have been attended with disastrous consequences, no doubt can remain, that they will be legally investigated. The issues of this investigation we presume not to anticipate. But it may be of some moment to posterity, to have as faithful a narrative of facts, as can be obtained from information collected on the spot, and gathered from the public prints, transmitted to them at an inconsiderable price.

It is well known that during many years past, public meetings have been held in various districts and counties, for the express purpose of taking into consideration the representative state of the kingdom, to devise and adopt measures for the remedying of existing abuses, and to present to Parliament such petitions, resolutions, or remonstrances, as the exigencies of times and seasons seemed to dictate. The right of convening such meetings, under certain restrictions and qualifications, has been so uniformly admitted, that Englishmen have been taught to connect it with their birthright; and generation succeeding to generation, has carefully transmitted the unbought blessing to posterity.

By the BILL OF RIGHTS, which all men hail as the foundation of English liberty, the Right of Petitioning is distinctly asserted. The authority of this document has never been controverted. In all subsequent laws, relative to English freedom, its influence has been felt and even in the modifications and restrictions, which, in seasons of faction and alarm, the Legislature have found it prudent to introduce, the sanctions of this important article have always been admitted to be interwoven with the Constitution of our Country.

JUDGE BLACKSTONE, when speaking of English liberties, expresses his views of this momentous subject, in the following language:

The absolute rights of every Englishman, (which, taken in a political and extensive sense, are usually called their Liberties,) as they are founded on nature and reason, so they are coëval with our form of government; though subject at times to fluctuate and change; their establishment (excellent as it is) being still human. At some times we have seen them depressed by overbearing and tyrannical princes; at others, so luxuriant as even to tend to anarchy, a worse state than tyranny itself, as any government is better than none at all. But the vigour of our free constitution has always delivered the nation from these embarrassments: and, as soon as the convulsions consequent on the struggle have been over, the balance of our rights and liberties has settled to its proper level; and their fundamental articles have been from time to time asserted in Parliament, as often as they were thought to be in danger.

"First, by the great charter of liberties, which was obtained, sword in hand, from King John, and afterwards, with some alterations, confirmed in Parliament by King Henry the Third, his son. Which charter contained very few new grants; but, as Sir Edward Coke observes, was for the most part declaratory of the principal grounds of the fundamental laws of England. Afterwards, by the statute called Confirmatio Cartarum, whereby the great charter is directed to be allowed as the common law; all judgments contrary to it are declared void; copies of it are ordered to be sent to all cathedral churches, and read twice a year to the people; and sentence of excommunication is directed to be as constantly denounced against all those that by word, deed, or counsel, act contrary thereto, or in any degree infringe it. Next, by a multitude of subsequent corroborating statutes, (Sir Edward Coke, I think, reckons thirty-two,) from the first Edward to Henry the Fourth. Then, after a long interval, by the Petition of Right; which was a parliamentary declaration of the liberties of the ple, assented to by king Charles the First in the beginning of his reign. Which was closely followed by the still more ample concessions made by that unhappy prince to his parliament, before the fatal rupture between them; and by the many salutary laws, particularly the Habeas Corpus Act, passed under Charles the Second. To these succeeded the Bill of Rights, or Declaration delivered by the Lords and Commons to the Prince and Princess of Orange, 13th February, 1688; and afterwards enacted in Parliament when they became King and Queen: which Declaration concludes in these remarkable words; "And they do claim, de-' **mand, and insist upon, all and singular the premises, as their "undoubted rights and liberties." And the Act of Parliament itself recognises "all and singular the rights and liberties as

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"serted and claimed in the said Declaration to be the true,