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sulted from their dreadful cruelties, could have achieved. Town after town, and fortress after fortress, fell into their possession, until at length all Ireland, with the exception of the province of Connaught, was in the power of the rebels, under the command of Ireton, whom Cromwell had appointed general in chief upon his return to England, where his views of ambition now called for the exertion of all his energies.
It was at this juncture of the king's affairs in Ireland that Ormond withdrew from that kingdom a second time. Whatever party spirit may allege in charge, commendation, or defence of Ormond, and no character was ever more partially represented, the truth is now ascertained as to the leading facts which constituted that character. After his disgrace at Rathmines, he never engaged in person Cromwell, Ireton, or Jones; but at this moment he abandoned the royalists in their utmost need, and sought his own personal safety a second time by flight; and not only did he continue to receive the price of his former surrender of Dublin to the rebels, but the marchioness of Ormond, during the whole time of her lord's proscription, three thousand pounds a-year, by favour of Cromwell.
So grossly inconsistent with the late peace was the king's subscription to the covenant, that Ormond affected publicly to discredit the report of his having taken it. The confederacy, however, not only believed that the king had, as the fact was, debased himself and betrayed them by covenanting with the murderers of his father, but that Ormond had approved of and advised the measure. Several of them, therefore, with a large part of their clergy, assembled at Jamestown in their present embarrassment, and, after much deliberation, determined that the clergy should endeavour by ecclesiastical censures to withdraw all persons of their own communion from the command of Ormond : they accordingly, assuming that his lordship would now publicly promote, as he had ever secretly favoured, the covenanters, published an excommunication against all such catholics as should enlist under, feed, help, or adhere to his excellency, or assist him in any manner whatsoever. But lest their loyalty to their constitutional sovereign should be suspected, they involved in the same sentence of excommunication all such catholics as should adhere to the common enemies of God,
their king, and country. When Ormond quitted Ireland he left the wreck of his powers to lord Clanrickard, who had often before remonstrated with him on those measures of his administration which tended to alienate the affections of the nation from the royal cause; and when he received the government from Ormond he was fully sensible of the impossibility of effecting any thing for the service of the king.
Although Charles, still being in the hands of the Scots, dared not openly avow the treaty then pending with the duke of Lorrain to re-establish the treaty with the royal authority in Ireland, yet he did all he could to forward it; and when he was out of the hands of the Scots, he wrote to his highness from Paris to solicit assistance from him and other catholic princes against his and their enemies. Even Ormond himself, finding his once favoured puritans going greater lengths than he perhaps wished or expected, notwithstanding his horror of popery, did not scruple to recommend the sending fitting ministers and proposing apt inducements to the pope, for his speedy and active interposition with the catholic princes to enable the king's catholic subjects of Ireland to make head against the rebels.
The marquis of Clanrickard continued for some time to carry on the appearance of hostilities, from a vain hope of making a diversion in favour of the king's English enterprises: but at length reduced to the utmost distress, his troops dispersed, and his resources exhausted, he accepted conditions from the republicans and retired from Ireland.
In the mean time the parliament of England concerted measures (1652] for the final settlement of the administration of the affairs of Ireland. Lambert was appointed successor to Ireton: but the intrigues of Cromwell caused the parliament to deny him any higher title than that of commander in chief; with which, as the usurper wished, Lambert was offended, and refused to accept the command. It was conferred on Fleetwood, who had lately married the relic of Ireton, and of course was particularly devoted to his father-in-law Cromwell.
Upon the arrival of Fleetwood in Ireland, he found there scarcely the remains of war, and the Irish of all orders were reduced to accept terms from the victorious republicans. The first act of the administration thus confirmed under the auspices of a republican usurper, after a dreadful conflict of eleven years, was to collect all the native Irish who had survived the general desolation and remained in the country, and transplant them into the province of Connaught, which had been depopulated and laid waste in the progress of the rebellion. They were ordered to retire thither by a certain day, and forbidden to repass the Shannon on pain of death; and this sentence of deportation was rigidly enforced until the restoration. Their ancient possessions were seized and given up to the conquerors, as were the possessions of every man who had taken a part in what was termed the rebellion, or had followed the fortune of the king after the death of Charles I. This whole fund was distributed among the officers and soldiers of Cromwell's army, in satisfaction of the arrears of their pay, and amongst the adventurers who had advanced money to defray the expences of the war. And thus a new colony of settlers, composed of all the sects which then infested England, independents, socinians, anabaptists, seceders, brownists, millenarians, and dissenters of every description, many of them filled with the spirit of democracy, poured into Ireland, and were put in possession of the ancient inheritance of its inhabitants.* Such were the blessings of republican government dealt out by Oliver Cromwell—a form of government which, when not suffered to corrupt itself by the possession of too great military power, as in the instance now before us, is unquestionably the most pure and perfect to which any people labouring under one that is tyrannical or oppressive can commit the management of its affairs, and for the acquirement of which no privations they may endure, no struggle they may sustain, will be found too high a price.
Cromwell, soon after he was proclaimed protector, sent his son Henry into Ireland to sound the disposition of the army, to reconcile the minds of the people to the usurpation, and, by cultivating the friendship of those who possessed great influence, to prepare the way for the future peaceable administration of this kingdom.
* Speech of the earl of Clare on the sixteenth of February, eighteen hundred.
This period of the history of Ireland is peculiarly barren of incident. On the death of Oliver, Richard Cromwell confirmed his brother Henry in the government of Ireland.
Richard summoned the members chosen for Ireland to the English parliament: the republicans opposed the admission of thirty of them who were known to be advocates for the crown; but the court, though with difficulty; at length prevailed that they should sit and vote. The news of the dissolution of this parliament, and the intrigues of the royal party, was first brought to Ireland by sir Charles Coote. The lord lieutenant with vigour exerted himself to support the tottering authority of his brother. On the restoration of the rump parliament he laboured to prevent the disorders which might arise from this sudden rex volution. He issued a proclamation to preserve the peace; and, on consulting with his officers, sent agents to the council of state with proposals relative to the civil and military government of Ireland. They were referred to the parliament, as it was called, who made some ordinances for the benefit of the adventurers and soldiers; and at the same time resolved that the government of Ireland should be again administered by commissioners, that Henry Cromwell should be recalled, and Ludlow appointed to command the forces of the commonwealth in that kingdom. The sentiments of Henry Cromwell were those of passive obedience to the parliament; but the new commissioners, doubting his sincerity, expected opposition on his part, and prepared measures accordingly. They however were received without any obstacle into the castle, while Henry retired to a house in the Phenix Park, having administered the government with such disregard to his private interests, that he could not immediately command so much money as would defray the expence of a voyage to England.
From the moment of the abdication of Richard Cromwell, the royalists of Ireland conceived the most sanguine hope of the king's speedy restoration. This happy event soon followed. Charles was informed of the favourable appearances which were manifested, and but for the great expectation which at that time vas cherished of the success of Monk in England, would certainly have repaired to Ireland, whither he was earnestly in-, vited by lord Broghill, sir Charles Coote, and others, who now
espoused the cause of loyalty, and waited with impatience for the declaration of Breda. This was readily accepted; and king Charles II, was proclaimed with every manifestation of joy in all the great towns of Ireland.
The situation of Ireland at the restoration (1660] is more easily described than credited. A people who had continued in arms staunch to the royal cause nearly three years longer than any other part of the British empire, reduced to two thirds of their population by their contests with the regicides, by massacres, famine, and pestilence, stripped of any armed force for defence or attack, expatriated at home, and divested of the remnants of their ancient inheritances. Thus were these unfortunate wrecks of the native Irish, the devoted victims to their loyalty, penned up like hunted beasts in the devastated wilds of Connaught, hardly existing in the gregarian and promiscuous possession and cultivation of the soil, without the means of acquiring live or dead stock, and wanting even the necessary utensils of husbandry. Surely, if ever Ireland had a call of gratitude on the crown of England, it was at the restoration of Charles II.; yet the first legislators after the restoration was established, confirmed the rebellious regicides in the wages of their sanguinary rebellion. Broghill, who was created earl of Orrery, and sir Charles Coote, created earl of Montrath, were nominated lords justices of Ireland ; and sir Maurice Eustace, an old and particular friend of Ormond, appointed lord high chancellor. By the advice and management of these persons with Ormond was the whole settlement of the kingdom conducted. These persons were all known and determined enemies to the Irish catholics, and their measures were such as might from that circumstance naturally be expected. They contrived to call a new parliament, in which it was enacted no member should be qualified to sit in the house of commons but such as had taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy; while the speaker of the house of lords (the archbishop of Armagh) proposed that all the members thereof should receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper from his grace's own hands. With the like view of preventing the Irish catholics from sending over agents to England to counteract the state commissioners who were soliciting the English parliament to except the Irish x