mously, that a citizen, by learning the use of arms, does not abandon any of his civil rights. 2. That a claim from any body of men, other than the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, to make laws to bind the people, is illegal, unconstitutional, and a grievance. 3. Resolved, with one dissenting voice only, that the powers exercised by the privy council of both kingdoms, under colour or pretence of the law of Poyning's, are unconstitutional and a grievance. 4. Resolved unanimously, that the ports of this country are by right open to all foreign countries not at war with the king; and that any burden thereupon, or obstruction thereto, excepting only by the parliament of Ireland, are unconstitutional and a grievance. 5. Resolved, with one dissenting voice only, that a mutiny bill, not limited in point of duration form session to session, is unconstitutional and a grievance. 6. Resolved unanimously, that the independence of judges is equally essential to the impartial administration of justice in Ireland as in England, and that the refusal or delay of this right, is in itself unconstitutional and a grievance. 7. Resolved, with eleven dissenting voices only, that it is the decided and unalterable determination of the volunteer associations to seek a redress of those grievances; and they pledged themselves to their country, and to each other, as freeholders, fellow-citizens, and men of honour, that they would, at every ensuing election, support only those who had supported them, and would support them therein, and that they would use all constitutional means to make such pursuit of redress speedy and effectual. 8. Resolved, with only one dissenting voice, that the minority in parliament, who had supported those constitutional rights, are entitled to the most grateful thanks of the volunteer companies, and that an address to the purpose be signed by the chairman, and published with the resolutions of the present meeting. 9. Resolved unanimously, that four members from each county of the province of Ulster, eleven to be a quorum, be appointed a committee till the next general meeting, to act for the volunteer corps, and to call general meetings of the province as occasion requires. 10. The committee being appointed, and the time of general meetings, and some other affairs of a similar nature settled, it was resolved unanimously, that the court of Portugal having unjustly refused entry to certain Irish

commodities, the delegates would not consume any wine of the growth of Portugal, and that they would use all their influence to prevent the use of the said wine, excepting what was then in the kingdom, until such time as the Irish exports should be received into the kingdom of Portugal. 11. Resolved, with only two dissenting voices, that they hold the right of private judgment in matters of religion equally sacred in others as in themselves; and that they rejoiced in the relaxation of the penal laws against the Roman Catholics, as a measure fraught with the happiest consequences to the union and prosperity of the inhabitants of Ireland.

CHAPTER X.

WHILE these proceedings took place at Dungannon, the ministry carried all before them in parliament. In a debate concerning the exclusive legislative privileges of Ireland, a law member, speaking of the arbitrary acts of England, asserted, that "power constituted right;" and a motion that the commons should be declared the representatives of the people, was carried in the negative. These scandalous proceedings could not but hasten the ruin of their cause. The resolutions entered into at the Dungannon meeting were received throughout the kingdom with the utmost applause. A few days after, Mr. Grattan, whose patriotism has been already taken notice of, moved in the house of commons for a long and spirited address to his majesty, declaring the rights of the kingdom, and asserting the principle which now began to prevail, that Ireland could legally be bound by no power but that of the king, lords, and commons of the country; though the British parliament had assumed such a power. This motion was at present rejected by a large majority; but their eyes were soon enlightened by the volunteers.

These having now appointed their committees of correspondence, were enabled to communicate their sentiments to one another with the utmost facility and quickness. An association was formed in the name of the nobility, representatives, freeholders, and inhabitants of the county of Armagh, wherein they set forth the necessity of declaring their senti

ments openly, respecting the fundamental and undoubted rights of the nation. They declared, that in every situation in life, and with all the means in their power, they would maintain the constitutional right of the kingdom to be governed only by the king and parliament of Ireland; and that they would, in every instance, uniformly and strenuously oppose the execution of any statutes, excepting such as derived their authority from the parliament just mentioned; and they pledged themselves to support what they now declared with their lives and fortunes.

This declaration was quickly adopted by all the counties, and similar sentiments became universally avowed throughout the kingdom. The change in the British ministry in the spring of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, facilitated the wishes of the people. The duke of Portland, who came over as lord lieutenant in April that year, sent a most welcome message to parliament. He informed them, that " his majesty, being concerned to find that discontents and jealousies were prevailing among his loyal subjects in Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance; he recommended it to par"liament to take the same into their most serious consideration, "in order to such a final adjustment as might give mutual satis"faction to his kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland." •

66

Mr. Grattan, whose patriotic efforts had never been slackened, now ventured to propose a second time in parliament, the address which had been rejected before. On the 16th of April he began a speech to this purpose, with an elegant panegyric on the volunteers, and the late conduct of the people. The Irish, he said, were no longer a divided colony, but an united land, manifesting itself to the rest of the world in signal instances of glory. In the rest of Europe, the ancient spirit was expired; liberty was yielded, or empire lost; nations were living upon the memory of past glory, or under the care of mercenary armies. In Ireland, however, the people, by departing from the example of other nations, had now become an example to them. Liberty, in former times, and in other nations, was recovered by the quick feelings and rapid impulse of the populace. But in Ireland, at the present period, it was recovered by an act of the whole nation, reasoning for three years on its situation, and then rescuing itself by a settled sense of right pervading the

land. The meeting of the delegates at Dungannon was an original measure; and like all of that kind, continued to be matter of surprise, until at last it became matter of admiration. Great measures, such as the meeting of the English at Runnymead, and of the Irish at Dungannon, were not the consequences of precedent, but carried in themselves both precedent and principle; and the public cause in both instances would infalli-, bly have been lost had it been trusted to parliament. The meeting at Dungannon had resolved, that the claim of the British parliament was illegal; and this was a constitutional declaration. The Irish volunteers were associated for the preservation of the laws, but the conduct of the British parliament subverted all law. England, however, had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers; they would sacrifice their lives in her cause. The two nations formed a general confederacy. The perpetual annexation of the crown was a great bond, but magna charta was still a greater. It would be easy for Ireland to find a king; but it would be impossible to find a nation who could communicate to them such a charter as magna charta; and it was this which made their natural connection with England. The Irish nation were too high in pride, character, and power, to suffer any other nation to make their laws. England had indeed brought forward the question, not only by making laws for Ireland the preceding session, but by enabling his majesty to repeal all the laws which England had made for America. Had she consented to repeal the declaratory law against America? and would she refuse to repeal that against Ireland? The Irish nation were incapable of submitting to such a distinc tion.

Mr. Grattan now found his eloquence much more powerful than formerly. The motion which, during this very session, had been rejected by a great majority, was now agreed to after a short debate, and the address to his majesty prepared accordingly. In this, after thanking his majesty for his gracious message, and declaring their attachment to his person and government, they assured him, that the subjects of Ireland are a free people; that the crown of Ireland is an imperial crown, inseparably annexed to that of Britain, on which connection the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend: but

Q