❝ents, but by a free trade alone, that Ireland was now to be saved " from impending ruin." When this address was carried up to the lord lieutenant, the streets of Dublin were lined with vo❤ lunteers, commanded by the duke of Leinster, in their arms and uniform. But, though a general expectation of relief was now diffused, an anxious fear of disappointment still continued. If the usual supply was granted for two years, there was danger of the distresses continuing for all that time; and after it was granted, the prorogation of parliament might put a stop to the expected relief altogether. The people, however, were not now to be trifled with. As the court-party showed an aversion to comply with the popular measures, a mob rose in Dublin, who, among other acts of violence, pulled down the house of the attorney-general, and did their utmost to compel the members to promise their countenance to the matter in hand. When the point therefore came to be debated, some espoused the popular side from principle, others from necessity; so that on the whole a majority appeared in favour of it. A short money bill was passed and transmitted to England; where, though very mortifying to the minister, it passed also.

On the meeting of the British parliament in December, the Irish affairs were first taken into consideration in the house of peers. The necessity of granting relief to that kingdom was strongly set forth by the lord who introduced them. He said, the Irish, now conscious of possessing a force and consequence to which they had hitherto been strangers, had resolved to apply it to obtain the advantages of which the nation, by this spirited exertion, now shewed themselves worthy. Had they for some time before been gratified in lesser matters, they would now have received with gratitude, what they would, as affairs stood at present, consider only as a matter of right. He then moved for a vote of censure against his majesty's ministers for their neglect of Ireland. This motion was rejected; but earl Gower, who had now deserted the cause of ministry, declared, that there did not exist in his mind a single doubt that the vote of censure was not well founded. He added, in his own vindication, that early in the summer he had promised that relief should be granted to Ireland, and had done every thing in his power to keep his word; but that all his efforts had proved fruitless.

In the house of commons the minister found himself so hard pressed by the arguments of the minority, and the short moneybill from Ireland, that he was obliged to declare, that in less than a week he intended to move for a committee of the whole house to take the affairs of Ireland into consideration. On the thirteenth of December he accordingly brought forward his propositions in favour of this kingdom. The design of these was to repeal the laws prohibiting the exportation of Irish manufactures made of wool or wool flocks; to repeal as much of the act of 19th George II. as.prohibited the importation of glass into Ireland, except of British manufacture, or the exportation of glass from Ireland; and to permit the Irish to export and import commodities to and from the West Indies and the British settlements on the coast of Africa, subject to such resolutions and restrictions as should be imposed by the Irish parlia

ment.

On these propositions his lordship made several remarks by way of explanation. One object of them, he said, was to restore to Ireland the wool export and woollen manufacture. In sixteen hundred and ninety-two, from jealousy or some other motive, an address had been presented by the English parliament, recommending a kind of compact between the two kingdoms; the terms of which were, that England should enjoy the woollen manufacture, and Ireland the linen, exclusively. But notwithstanding this agreement, it was certain, that England carried on the linen manufacture to as great extent as Ireland, while at the same time she retained the monopoly of the woollen. The first step taken, in consequence of this agreement, was to lay a heavy duty, equal to a prohibition, upon all woɔl and woollens exported; and when this act, which was but a temporary one by way of experiment, expired, the English parliament passed a similar one, and made it perpetual; by means of which and some others a total end was put to the woollen trade of Ireland.

With regard to the trade of Ireland, his lordship observed, that, upon an average of the six years from 1766 to 1772, the export to Ireland was somewhat more than two millions; and, in the succeeding six years, from 1772 to 1778, about as much more; nearly one half being British manufacture and produce;

the other half certified articles, of which this country was the medium of conveyance. The native produce, on an average, was somewhat more than £900,000; but of this only £200,000 were woollens. The woollen manufacture of Ireland would long continue in a state of infancy; and though cloths had been manufactured sufficient for home consumption, yet it could hardly be expected that Ireland would rival Great Britain at the foreign markets, when, after the expence of land-carriage, freight, insurance, and factorage, the latter was able to undersell Ireland in her own market on the very spot, even though aided by the low wages and taxes paid in the country.

With regard to the linnen, his lordship observed, that however prosperous it might appear, yet it still was capable of great improvement. The idea of extending and improving the linenmanufacture of Ireland originated from a pamphlet written by sir William Temple; and this gave rise to the compact which had been referred to. But though this compact was now about to be dissolved, it was his opinion that the bounties on importing Irish linens ought not to be discontinued; because it appeared, that the British bounties had operated as a great encouragement to the Irish manufactures, at the same time that the sum appropriated to this purpose amounted to more than £13,000.

With regard to the dissolution of the compact betwixt England and Ireland, he observed, that, as a more liberal spirit had now appeared on both sides of the water, he hoped both kingdoms would be perfectly contented. Ireland would never be able to rival England in the fine woollen fabrics; but allowing the Irish to manufacture their own wool, would put an end to the contraband trade with France; and it ought to be remembered, that whatever was an advantage to Ireland, must, sooner or later, be of singular advantage to Great Britain, and by the proposed regulations in their commercial connections, the two kingdoms would be put more upon an equality.

With regard to the glass manufacture, his lordship likewise observed, that Ireland had been very injuriously treated. Before the act of 19th George II. they had begun to make some progress in the lower branches of the glass manufacture; but by that act they were not only prevented from importing any other glass than what was of British manufacture; but also

from exporting their own glass, or putting it on a horse or carriage with a design to be exported. This act had been complained of in Ireland as a great piece of injustice, and it was the intention of his proposition to remove that grievance.

With regard to the third proposition, his lordship observed, that allowing Ireland a free trade to the colonies must be considered as a favour to that kingdom. Considering her even as an independent state, she could set up no claim to an intercourse with the British colonies. By every principle of justice, of the laws of nations, and the custom of the other European powers who had settlements and distant dependencies, the mo ther country had an exclusive right to trade with, and to forbid all others from having any intercourse with them. Were not this the case, what nation under the sun would spend their blood and treasure in establishing a colony, and protecting and defending it in its infant state, if other nations were afterwards to reap the advantages derived from their labour, hazard, and expence. But though Great Britain had a right to restrain Ireland from trading with her colonies, his lordship declared himself of opinion that it would be proper to allow her to parti cipate of the trade. This would be the only prudent means of affording her relief; it would be an unequivocal proof of the candour and sincerity of Great Britain; and he had not the least doubt but it would be received as such in Ireland. Britain, however, ought not to be a sufferer by her bounty to Ire land; but this would be the case, should the colony trade be thrown open to the latter, without accompanying it with restric tions similar to those which were laid upon the British trade with them. An equal trade must include an equal share of duties and taxes; and this was the only proper ground on which the benefits expected by the Irish nation could be either granted or desired.

Having made some other observations on the propriety of these measures, they were regularly formed into motions, and passed unanimously. In Ireland they were received with the utmost joy and gratitude by both houses of parliament. On the 20th of December the following resolutions were passed; viz. That the exportation of woollen and other manufactures from Ireland to all foreign places will materially tend to relieve

its distresses, increase its wealth, promote its prosperity, and therefore advance the welfare of Britain, and the common strength, wealth, and commerce of the British empire; that a liberty to trade with the British colones in America and the West-Indies, and the settlements on the coast of Africa, will be productive of very great commercial benefits; will be a most affectionate mark of the regard and attention of Great Britain to the distresses of the kingdom; and will give new vigour to the zeal of his majesty's brave and loyal people of Ireland to stand forth in support of his majesty's person and government, and the interest, the honour, and dignity of the British empire. The same resolutions were next day passed in the house of peers.

The highest encomiums were now passed on lord North. His exertions in favour of Ireland were declared to have been great and noble; he was styled the great advocate of Ireland;" and it was foretold, that he would be of glorious and immortal memory in that kingdom. But while these panegyrics were so lavishly made on the minister, the members in opposition, in the British parliament, were spoken of in very indifferent terms. It was said, that while they thought the minister did not mean to go into the business of Ireland, they called loudly for censure against him for not doing it; but when it was found that he meant seriously to take their affairs into consideration, they had then basely seceded, and wholly forsaken the interest of the kingdom. These censures were so loud, that a member of the British house of commons wrote a letter to be communicated to his friends in Ireland, in which he represented, that however politic it might be to compliment the minister on the present occasion, was neither very wise nor generous in the members of the Irish parliament, to be so ready in bestowing invectives against their old friends in England. With regard to the minister, it was alleged, that until he was driven to it by the measures adopted in Ireland, his conduct had been extremely equivocal, dilatory, and indecisive. The minority had been justly incensed against him for having so grossly sacrificed the honour of the nation and the dignity of parliament, as to refuse any substantial relief to the Irish, until their own exertions had made it appear that every thing which could be done for them by the British parliament

it