by the order of the Duke of York, actually assembling at Canterbury, whither, towards the end of Feb. your petitioner and several of his witnesses had repaired, was, all of a sudden, removed to Chelsea, notwithstanding the remonstrance of your petitioner, who, in a letter to the judge-advocate-general, dated on the 21st of Feb. 1805, stated, that "

great inconvenience and expense would be occasioned by this change, as well as the impossibility of transmitting timely notice of it to the witnesses, par

ticularly those resident in distant parts of "the kingdom.” That, in spite of all the disadvantages, by these and other means created, your petitioner was honourably ac nitted upon all the charges pref. rred against Him, notwithstanding so much study and preparation had been used in the producing those charges; that, not only was he so acquitted, but there was not brought out in evidence one single fact tending in the slightest degree to shew, that the accuser himself Fould possibly ever have believed any one of the charges to be true; and that it was glaringly evident, that the whole of the ac

sation consisted of falsehoods invented for the sole purpose of injuring the fame and the fortune of your petitioner, and of giving the colour of justice to the punishment which had already been inflicted upon him. That your petitioner, upon the result of the rial being made known unto him, did, on the 18th of April, 1805, endeavour to obtain audience of H. R. H. the Duke of York, in order to obtain, in the list of major-generds, that place to which his seniority entied him, and in the obtaining of which he had, by his Royal Highness, been informed, there would be no difficulty, provided the result of the court martial was favourable "to him." That your petitioner, having been refused access to the Duke of York 10 the first instance, having been unabie by other means to obtain any satisfactory an swer to his repeated applications, tendered the resignation of his communission as colonel, resolved no longer to remain in a service, in which he was so unjustly held in a state of degradation. That, as to the grounds upon which the application of your petitioner was rejected, your Honourable House will have observed, that the decisions of all general Courts martial are communicated to the King by the judge-advocate general, who, when He has thereupon received the commands of the King, communicates them to the comander-in-chief, together with the King's remarks thereon. That, in pursuance of this pice, Sir C. Morgan, having first laid

decision of the court martial aforesaid

before the King, next communicated it to the Duke of York, subjoining thereunto, as coming from the King himself, a remark, that, as to the principal charge, the court had been inhibited by law from proceeding upon it, owing to the crime alleged having taken place more than three years previous to the date of the warrant for the trial, and that His Majesty considered this lapse of "time to have been owing to an improper "conduct of the prosecator." That, as your Honourable House will not fail to perceive, this remark was calculated to cause it to be believed, that, if no lapse of time had so taken place, and if the court martial had not thereby been inhibited from proceeding on the said charge, the said charge might have been established against your petitioner; whereas, the facts were; 1st, that the act charged, was alleged to have taken place previous to Sept. 1801; 2d, that an investigation into the conduct of your petitioner was contemplated by the Duke of York in Oct. 1803, and upon that contemplation he withheld the name of your petitioner from the brevet promotion; 3d, that between Sept. 1801 and Oct. 1803, only two years and one month had elapsed; 4th, that between Oct. 1803 and Aug. 1804, when the warrant for the trial was, at last, issued, your petitioner did make urgent and repeated requests to the Duke of York, that the trial might take place without delay; and 5th, that your petitioner, apprehensive that a plea of lapse of time might be made use of, for the purpose of leaving a blemish upon his reputation, expressly requested, in a letter to the adjutant general, dated on the 224 ¦ of June, 1804, that "no part of the grounds,

on which Major Gordon had proposed to "found his charges, should be kept back "from examination;" from which facts your petitioner is satisfied, that it will clearly appear to your Honourable House, that if the court martial was inhibited from taking cognizance of the charge aforesaid, the inhibition was to be ascribed solely to those concerned in framing and bringing forward the prosecution. That however to the most important fact, connected with the aforesaid remark of the King, it remains for your peti tioner to pray the attention of your Honourable House; namely, that notwithstanding the lapse of time, the court martial actually did, before they perceived such lapse, fully investigate the merits of the said charge; that the charge was, by evidence the most complete, clearly proved, to be utterly false, and destitute of the semblance of foundation; and that it was not until after such proof had been given, that the court martial discovered

that they were, by law, inhibited from taking cognizance of it. That it was, nevertheless, upon the ground of the remark made by the Judge Advocate General, in the King's name, that the Duke of York, in a letter to your petitioner, dated on the 16th of May, 1805, refused to place your petitioner in that situation, as to rank, to which he was, by his seniority, entitled. That your petitioner, full of indignation at the injustice with which he had been treated, addressed a remonstrance to the Judge Advocate General, complaining of the aspersion cast upon his character by the putting of the remark aforesaid upon the records of the army, while, at the same time, the facts above stated by your petitioner were carefully concealed. That in answer to this remonstrance, the Judge Advocate General informed your petitioner, in a letter dated on the 26th of April, 1805, that " since he had communi"cated to the Duke of York the letter in "which the aforesaid remark was contained, "he had seen occasion to recall that letter, "and to substitute another in lieu thereof,

leaving out the said remark, and that he "had taken upon himself to explain to the

King, the reason why this remark" (made, as your Honourable House will perceive, in the King's name, and as coming from the King himself) was now omitted" That, thus, as it must be manifest to your Honourable House, the Judge Advocate General has the power to communicate to the commander-in-chief remarks, in the King's name, upon the decision of every general court martial, from which remarks alone the 'commander-in-chief must, according to his letter above mentioned addressed to your pe titioner, "form his opinion upon the whole "matter of each case;" that the Judge Advocate General has the further power of altering such remarks at his pleasure, not only without the orders, but even without the knowledge of the King, in whose name they are made; that this Judge Advocate General not only holds his office during pleasure, but is, at the same time, so much under the influence of the commander-in-chief, as to be induced, at his bare suggestion, to change his intention as to the person whom he shall employ to officiate in his stead at a court martial; and that, thus, the fame and fortune of all the officers of the army, (an establishment, the annual expense of which is now more than 18 millions sterling) amounting, in number, to several thousands of gentlemen, connected by ties of blood, or otherwise, with no small portion of the rank and consequence and influence, in the whole of the community, are subject to the absolute

will of one irresponsible individual. That, from this cause your petitioner has suffered most grievous injustice, indignity, and injury; that, after a life of faithful, zealous, and arduous services, he has been driven, as above shewn, to the alternative of abandoning his profession and his means of subsist. ence, or of retaining them accompanied with unmerited disgrace; and, that he, therefore, prays your Honourable House, the constitutional protectors of the people's liberties and properties against arbitrary power and oppression, to afford him redress, and to prevent, by such means as in the wisdom of your Honourable House it shall seem meet, the future recurrence of similar grievances. -And your petitioner shall ever pray. ANDREW COCHRANE JOHNSTONE.-. -London, March 2, 1807.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. CONTINENTAL WAR-Twenty-eighth Bul

letin of the Grand French Army.

Berlin, Nov. 7, 1806.-His Majesty this day was occupied in reviewing the dragoons of the division of General Klein, from 11 till 3 in the afternoon, on the esplanade of the palace. This division greatly distin guished itself at the battle of Jena, and broke several squares of the Prussian infan try.-General Savary, at the head of 500 of the first regiment of hussars, and of the 7th chasseurs, has defeated the Prussian General Husdunne, whom he made a prisoner, together with 2 brigades of hussars, 2 battalions of grenadiers, and several pieces of cannon, near Wismar, on the Baltic. This division made part of those cops which were pursued by the Grand Duke of Berg, the Prince De Ponte-Corvo, and Marshal Soult; and being cut off from the Oder and from Pomerania, appeared to have been driven from the coast near Lubeck.-Colonel Excelmans commandant of the 1st regiment of chas seurs in the division of Marshal Davoust, has arrived at Posen, the capital of Poland Proper. He was received there with the most enthusiastic joy; the town was thronged with people, and the windows crowded with spectators; the cavalry could scarcely proceed along the streets. The General of Engineers, Bertrand, Aide de-camp to the Emperor, has embarked on the lake near Stettin, in order to examine the different passes communicating therewith.-The battering-train, &c. for the siege of Magdeburg, was sent from Dresden and Wittenberg, by the Elbe. It is hoped this place will not hold out long. Marshal Ney is appointed to direct the operations of the siege.

of your correspondent with great attention, , but I have found it utterly impossible to convince myself that the public would be in the smallest degree benefited by the controversy, or even by the decision of the question, Whether, in certain cases, it night not be good policy to prevent too much labour from being forced upon the market; for there are so many previous inquiries that must necessarily be answered, before this question can possibly arise, that we should be going too far into the trackless expanse of conjecture, to render either of our theories useful.-If, however, I beg your correspondent to excuse me for not weighing his va rious suppositions with that nicety which their ingenuity entitles them to, I shall not think any such apology necessary for taking advantage of some concessions that he has made, and which being more of a practical nature, will be better understood. "I do admit," he says (column 559)," that the "balance of power between the labourer "and the employer, which is aimed at in "your plan, must be established;" and he adds (column 508), "till the laws of la"bour secure to the labourer that portion "of food, raiment, &c. which is necessary "to prolong his life and health, the number "of poor must continue to increase." Now, Sir, this doctrine coming from a gentleman who avows himself to be a revolutionist, affords me much satisfaction, as it induces - me to hope, that a numerous fraternity, which has hitherto been content to pursue the multiform phantoms of its own fancy, may in time be prevailed upon to unite with those vulgar beings, who wish to see some real reforms take place.-The doctrine of this revolutionist is strictly true; and if he is in the habit of attending any of the public assemblies or halls, where his lofty brethren are accustomed to harangue the people, it may not be asking too great a favour, to request him to exert a little of the ingenuity displayed in his letter, to prevail upon them, if possible, to reduce some of their threadbare theories to practice. They have been such edifying instructors, that the people have a vast desire to see what sort of workmen they would make. C. S. does not appear deficient of zeal in the cause, and he Certainly does not want argument when he is once fairly set a going; if, then, he values his revolutionary relationship, on account of any opportunity it affords him of giving ef fect to his theories, I would recommend him to read his copy of the "Outline of a

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"Plan for reducing the Poor's Rate," at the next assembly, and not direct the attention of his friends to any detached passage, but endeavour to interest them in the general object.-I do not consider this asking any favour of C. S. for he has evidently misunderstood the passage that he has quoted; and if in the first instance it was worth reading, it is now worth re-considering in connexion with the context.-Your readers, Sir, will easily see, that I should be grossly misappropriating time by entering upon this discussion, if you will permit me to state the leading objects of my plan, as introductory to the passage alluded to.-I have endeavoured to prove to the public, that the poor's rate is an unjust and unnecessary inpost, which operates at once as a scourge to the industrious and careful, and a bribe to the idle and profligate; that, instead of being a credit to the country, it is a disgrace and a nuisance, and ought to be abolished. But though your correspondent will only allow me to have the same talent as a parrot, that of being able to chatter, without considering what I say, I happened accidentally, when I published this opinion, to be aware with him, that reforms might be so injudiciously applied, as to make bad worse;" and therefore I suggested a mean of effecting that abolition in a way so gradual and slow, that its removal should be attended with no inconvenience. It is a circumstance particularly favourable to the abolition, that no description of persons is strongly attached to the poor's rate; and it is still more so, that among the poor great numbers of them are willing to provide for themselves another way; so that it is even possible, that both the government and the people may, upor this occasion, be of one mind.-The measure that I propose, and which I am endeavouring to get adopted, is, to afford persons, with the very smallest incomes, an opportunity of depositing whatever they can spare, at all convenient times, and whether it be little or much, in an economical bank, to be under the guardianship of the most respectable persons that can be prevailed upon to become its trustees; and, in order to encourage persons to provide for age in this way, during the seasons of youth and vigour, I think the Legislature ought to exempt persons, so providing for themselves, from parish assess ments on account of the poor. It is not enough to say, that the Legislature would act equitably by granting this indulgence, a very hasty consideration of the subject is

sumcient to satisfy any honest mind, that the Legislature would be unjust, if it were to refuse it for the natural tendency of the poor's rate, as it operates at present, is to occasion more poverty than it relieves; and the people would be infinitely better off, if Parliament would be obliging enough to let them take care of themselves. This will be quite evident, if we consider the situation of forty poor housekeepers who commence a club for old age, under the delusive promises of Mr. Rose's Bill" for the relief," as it professes," of Friendly Societies." Rely ing upon the credit and honour of Parlia ment, that they shall be both" encouraged "and relieved," if they raise a fund for their mutual relief in old age, according to the provisions of the bill, the poor men contrive (by abridging themselves and families of fifty shillings worth of comforts-often of necessaries) to contribute fifty shil ings cach to the said fund. This fifty shil lings is, in many instances, all that they can possibly spare, without exhausting that health and strength, upon which alone they can rely for the means of continuing their occupations; for if they could spare serr shillings more, they would make ten shillings worth more provision for age; and no system, that deserves to be called either wise or just, would require a people to exert themselves beyond their powers. But mark how the present poor laws act.-As soon as the poor man has paid his fifty shillings to his club, the collector of the poor's rate attacks him for thirty shillings, and the man and his wife, who have beert depriving themselves of comforts in order to provide for their own distresses, are now obliged to deprive their children of necessaries, in order to provide for the profligacy of others. The effects of these grinding exactions are, that, after a few years, persons of this description are incapable of continuing the double expense; and as it does not always happen that the overseers are persons of either feeling or prudence enough to see what course would be the most proper to be taken upon such occasions, they insist upon having the poor's rate at all risks, which leaves the poor people no choice, but to adjourn the contributions to their clubs, where the iniquitous principle of forfeiture, contrived by those make-shift institutions, for the purpose of swindling and oppressing the poorest of their members, obliges them at last to abandon the whole of what they have saved, through an inability to make their payments punctually. Repeated instances have, secured, where the chagrin and mortificat on consequent upon these unsuccessful efforts,

have converted the most diligent and sober amongst the people into idlers the most negligent and debauched, who, without having defined their own feelings, seemed to be governed by a determination, that if the parish would not suffer them to make provision for themselves, they would not deprive them-selves of a single glass of spirits, or any sensual gratification, for the sake of providing for others. Thus the overseers are at lust obliged to go without their rates; and after they have, by selling their farniture and various other kinds of persecution, driven the people from a house to a garret, and from a garret to the parish funds, they libel the hard-worked and ill-fed poor of England, as a spendthrift and incorrigible race, for whom the half-starved charity of a parish workhouse is too good.-I understand it is intended to introduce a Bill into Parliament, in the course of the next session, to oblige people employing workmen and servants to stop three farthings or a penny per week out of their wages, for the purpose of making a future provision of some sort for them.— Should such a design really be entertained, I would seriously advise the Members of both Houses to read their Bibles beforehand, as it may afford them much instruction to learnr from high authority, that persons may weary themselves for very vanity. Parliament certainly ought to pause before it adopts any more compulsory nieasures, after being aware, that notwithstanding all the discouragements of the present system, there are 704,000 persons in the kingdom associated voluntarily to provide for their future wants, by the best means that have yet been proposed to them. If this disposition receive all the encouragement it asks, it will effect every thing that the nature of things will admit towards improving the condition of the people, and it can hardly fail of success, unless Parliament should. attempt to govern too much. This remark characterizes the true nature of the dispute between your correspondent and me. He is of opinion that Government ought to interfere with every thing; and that instead of allowing the workman to get all the wages that he may think his services entitled to," the right of every man to do as he pleases with his

"

own property" should be taken from all classes without distinction, even so far as to dictate to every person what particular profession he should follow; whereas, I am endeavouring to prove, not only that labour and property ought to be left to find their own value, but that the possessors of both ought to be subject to even less controul in the disposal of them than they now are. I