Mr. Fawkes; and then Mr. Fawkes almost blubbering for very joy at being thought worthy of the praises of "the illustrious man"! Poor Mr. Fawkes has acted wisely. in retiring to private life;" for, never was there, in public life, any thing so foolish as this before.. -What gives me the most pain, however, belonging to this Dinner, is, the strong presumptive evidence, afforded by the proceedings, that Lord Milton will be made a mere party instrument, as his success in Yorkshire has already been rendered. I was much pleased at that success, first because it was a triumph over no-popery; and, secondly, because it put political hypocrisy personified into bodily fear. Be-sides, the character of his lordship and of his father, so directly the reverse of that of their crafty and slippery opponents, compelled one, without any very minute reasoning, to wish for his success. But, I did hope, that he would not have been made a party instrument; that he would not have been persuaded, that, by supporting the mongrel whigs, the mere place-hunters of the present day, he was supporting the principles of those, who effected the revolution of 1688.

SIR HENRY MILDMAYA friend of this gentleman has compiained to me, that I took up the statement of the Morning Chronicle without examining the report itself.

But, the reader will not have failed to observe, that I took it up conditionally only. Now however, I have seen the report; and I find the statement, perfectly correct in all its parts. In a future sheet I will publish the documents from the report; and will leave the public to say, whether the statement has, or has not, been fairly made. But, if the statement be unfair, how comes it that no answer has been given to it? Men do not usually keep silence under accusations of this sort, if falsely made.----I shall now insert another article from the Morning Chronicle of the 20th instant, upon this subject; a subject which ought to be kept continually before the eyes of the public, until it become familiar to every man in the kingdom.

"We observe with concern, that no"thing whatever is urged in behalf of this gentleman or his friend Mr. Sturges Bourne. They admit themselves to be guilty of the job (as it has gently been "termed) which the Fourth Report charges

them with. We, shall shortly state why we think this name a very mild one for "the transaction.In August, 1803, (mind the dates) the Commanding Officer of the district agreed with Sir H. Mildmay, that his ground should be occupied by Government; and that a Jury, or

"Arbitrators, should afterwards be named, "to award him a compensation. In May, "1804, he made the offer of his house to "the Master-General's department. In "August, 1804, the Jury were impannell"ed, according to the previous agreement, as is stated in the requisition of the Commanding Officer to the Justices; and they "then made their award, The Justices issued their warrant, to the Sheriff to im"pannel this Jury, having been required to "do so, as the verdict states, by the Com"manding Officer, and " also by J. O. Parke, of Chelmsford, in the same County, Gent. on the part and behalf of "Sir H. P. S. Mildmay," &c. It is not "stated in the Report, but is perfectly well "known, that two counsel attended on behalf "of Sir H, Mildmay, of whom one, we be"lieve, was Serjeant Best; and no counsel "attended on the part of the public. The "Jury examined the ground, and heard

evidence, with the assistance of these "gentlemen, learned in the law; and they "made the award, so often mentioned, of "6001. a year, and 13001. for the first year. Now did Mr. Oxley Parker, or the two counsel, state to the Jury on Sir H. Mildmay's part, that he was at that mo

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ment in treaty with Government for the "lease of the house at Moulsham? Did "Sir H. Mildmay instruct his counsel to "admit that at the very moment when

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they were examining the value of the "land to the tenants, and giving them com "pensation, and were examining, further, "the inconvenience of the works to Sir

Harry, and providing him with another "place of residence, he was in daily ex

pectation of the lease being made out by "the Barrack office, taking Moulsham off "his hands for an adequate, an ample rent? "Did Sir Harry instruct his counsel to "state that he had made the offer of his "house, and that, after some higgling, his "offer was accepted, two months before the "Jury were summoned? (See Mr. Secreta ry Dundas's Letter of June 11, 1804). "However, the Jury, thus left in complete ignorance of the real state of the case, make their award, which was of course, communicated to Sir H. Mildmay, and was understood by him in the sense above described, as he states in his "examination upon oath. He now found, "therefore, that the Jury had, for the "public, bought him out and out of the "house at Moulsham; that they had award"ed him the very sum, at which he knew "three months before, a surveyor had va"lued the house. What should have been

was not completed. He was in the mean "time paid as much for the house, BY « THE JURY, as he had asked from the "Barrack-office. Ought he not to have "said," Here is a mistake; those careless

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"guardians of the public money are "paying me twice for my house: I can. not allow them to cheat themselves; "the lease must not be executed." Alas! *he could not say so. There was no mis "take; his eyes were open; and, sharpsighted, he made the offer of his house, knowing that the Jury were to award him a compensation; he received that com"pensation knowing that he had offered his "house, and that the offer was accepted "He had one chance remaining; he might

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have stopt his execution of the lease; "but this formed no part of the plan, and the lease was completed by the friendly assistance of Mr. Sturges Bourne."This is unanswerable in any other way than asserting, that the documents and oral testimony of Sir Henry Mildmay are all forgeries. The thing admits of no other answer. thing more, except in the way of revival, need be said about it. And now let Sir Henry and his colleague and their supporters sit down to their London Dinner with what appetite they may. Had the Moulsham contract been made public before the last election, corrupted as Hampshire is by the Dock-yard and Barrack establishments, I think Sir Henry must have remained content with his seat at Winchester. There the Moulsham contract would have done him no injury at all; but, on the contrary, would have rendered him still dearer to his constituents. The intended Dinner in London would certainly never have been thought of, if the contract bad been sooner made public. Now, indeed, the appetites being sharpened, it would be difficult to avoid the Dioner; but, it will be à curious scene. It is rumoured, that at this dinner, the answer to the Morning Chronicle is to be given. But, why this delay? Why not oblige the public with it before hand? It will be, I'll warrant, a choice piece of rhetoric and logic. In the county, the only apology I have heard for the contract, is, that Sir Henry has a large family ; and, though this sort of excuse stand a man in but little at the bar, there is so extensive a sym, pathy in matters of this sort, there are so in ay hundreds of thousands who feed upon the taxes, that I should not be much surpriz ared if the excuse of family were to be publicly setup. It is probable, that Sir Henry's

a balance against Lord Milton's. Sir Henry is the country gentleman of the no-popery faction. What a shocking discovery, therefore, is this Moulsham contract! Better the old house, with its "patent-slate" covering, had been sunk into the bowels of the earth. Ever since the Morning Chronicle has given this thrust, the Courier has been comparatively dumb. It is the cruelest blow that ever faction received.

THE OPENING OF PARLIAMENT.-On Monday, the 22d instant, the parliament asseinbled agreeably to notification. Mr. Abbott was again chosen SPEAKER, without any opposition; but, the friends of the late ministry gave particular reasons for their approbation, one of which was, that Mr. Abbott voted for the resolution against Lord Melville. Such marked attention to this subject, amidst the common-place topics so regularly brought forward upon similar occasions, must be considered as a foretaste of that which the no-popery faction have to expect from their opponents, who evidently mean to try the force of a cry of no-pecula tion, which force, however, they will find very little, unless the cry be accompanied with suitable actions. If they make the parliament what it is described in the words of my motto; and if, to inquiries they add a compulsion to disgorge; if they really bring back money into the Treasury, or punish the peculators, or do their utmost in order to effect those purposes, then the people will, after all, be satisfied with them. But, if they have recourse to shuffling, to dirty compromises, to the sparing of this man because he is a friend, or of that man because he may have a say at court; if, in short, they shew, as I strongly suspect they will, that their no-peculation motions have for object the ousting of their rivals for power and emolument, then the people will not be satisfied, and the no-popery ministry will despise them, however strong their numbers may be.The first real business of the Inquiring Parliament," ought certainly to be the revival of the Finance Committee, which committee, as I have fre quently observed, must consist, as far as possible, of the very same persons that it before consisted of, or else no-popery will fall into great discredit, and will very soon be upon a level with our holy religion" of John Bowles, in spite of all the addresses that have been, or that yet may be, hammered out by the dirty Dean. Th public having fixed their eyes upon this I'mance Committee, it may be useful to insert a list of its members, so that men may be ready

Now, as all these gentlemen are in the preseat parliament, with the exception of Messrs. Horner, and Faukes, and Lord Marsham, there will require only three new members to be added to it; and, let us hope that no attempt will be made to make any other alteration. Let us hope, that, in

an

Inquiring Parliament," the very first step will not tend towards the smothering of all inquiry. This is capital point; for, if the committee be revived with only the addition of these three members, the nopopery men will be justly regarded as setting inquiry at defiance. It will be a strong ar gument in their favour, not only for the past but for the future. But, if they have recourse to the old Pitt tricks, the effect will be exactly the contrary, and every man will be convinced, that plunder is to be the order of the day.The out faction are mustering dreadfully strong. They have, I think, clearly proved that no-popery has been defeated. They assert, that they can bring upwards of 200 members to the very voting; and, if they can, it is more than an even chance, that this parliament will not be much longer-lived than the last. This is quite natural; for with bodies politic as well as with human bodies, the fits always come on in a succession more and more rapid. The intended opposition dinner seems to have excited great alarm amongst the no-popery party, who are striving hard to communicate that alarm to the people, but the people have supped of alarins; and no-popery may be assured, that there is nothing which gives the rational part of the people more pleasure than to see, that the two factions are in a fair way of destroying one another, or, at least, of making such exposures as are likely to lead to the destruction of public robbers. A great clamour is set up by the Courier, against the dinner, as being the meeting of " nate," opposed to the lawful senate of the nation. He calls it "a club," established to overawe the legislature, Well, and what then? Are not the ministers strong enough? Have they not from sixty to seventy millions 2 year passing through their hands? No,

a se

"

no: we are not to be inveigled into a fright at the daring designs of the aristocracy," who, we are told, "are attempting to tyr"rannize over both king and people." There is aristocracy enough on the other side, too. There are the Rendleshams and the Teignmouths and the Liverpools and the Edens and the Redesdales and the Lord knows who. No: the cry of “aristocracy" will not pass. The people know very well how the House of Commons is chosen; they know very well what the great object sought after, is; they have heard both factions crying constitution constitution! so long, that they are no longer to be amused with theoretical alarms. They see, that Lords are bankers and loan-makers and every thing else that is good, and they are not to be scared out of their senses with a cry abent the aristocracy's combining against the king in order to force him to give places to those whom he does not like; for, so long as the places and pensions are bestowed in the manner they now are, the people will care but very little which faction gets thein. Nor is it true, that the advertisement for calling together the parliamentary friends of the late ministers indicates a combination of the aristocracy. The far greater part of the stewards are commoners, and most of them men very far indeed from being regarded as the tools of the aristocrasy. And, why should they not thus meet to concert measures? Let them come to "the House, and debate there." What, in the presence of the minister's majority? They will do that too; but, I can see no reason why they should not meet at Willis's rooms besides. People have a right to meet where they please; and, if they choose to meet at a place where there are no placemen and pensioners, who has any just pretentions to cavil at their taste? Pretty doctrine, indeed, that nobody should have a right to meet to talk politics but the ministers of the day! No: this cannot be swallowed now. This, after the rejection of no-popery, can never go down, and, therefore, the Courier may as well burn all his hints for paragraphs about "aristocratical combi"nations." It is curious, too, that John Bowles and his brother Readhead, who have been diving, actually feeding and clothing themselves upon out-cries against democra tical meetings, should now choose to set up a cry against aristocratical meetings; The fact, is, that where a good and true objection gainst any set of men, opposed to the ninistry of the day, is wanting, an objection nust be hatched. A cry of some sort there must be; and, it is quite good, it is a perfect

treat to hear these sycophants complaining, to-day, of the Dinner of Sir Francis Burdett's friends, and to-morrow, of the Dinner of the aristocracy, thus objecting to any thing that it is likely to unite either the nobility or the people against the ministry, or, as they would fain make us believe, against the kingA passage in the speech made by Mr. Yarke, on Monday last, has been highly extolled by the no popery faction. "He deprecated," say they," all party "prejudices and interests, the prevalence "of which, in that house, was on every "occasion to be deplored; but the preva "lence of which, at the present difficult "and dangerous crisis, was particularly to "be deprecated, as it might, perhaps be pregnant with the ruin of these once "flourishing, united, and happy countries."

-And this the no-popery taction say, every good man will read with pleasure. I am far from attributing any bad motive to Mr. Yorke, whom I believe to be a very worthy man; but, he must excuse me if I can find no good meaning in this cbservation.

By party prejudices and interests he must mean the efforts of opposition; and, if his wish be adopted, there needs no assembling of the House, except for the mere form of granting money. This call for unanimity, on account of the difficulties of the crisis, is in the old style of the Addingtons; and by unanimity is meant, if the call has any meaning, a silent submis sion to the will of those who have, no matter how, succeeded in getting possession of the powers and emoluments of the state. How is it possible," says the sagacious and patriotic hireling who writes in the Morning Post, "How is it possible that "the servants of our beloved sovereign can

conduct the affairs of the nation to advan<tage, if they are harrassed with a vexatious "opposition!" But, it is possible for the servants of our beloved sovereign to give up their places. There is no law against that: They can leave them even with less difficulty than other servants can their places. They need not, like a farmer's servant enlist into the army or go on board the flect, in order to get rid of their places; nor need they, like footmen and grooms, give a month's warning, or loose a month's wages. They may go when they please; and, what is of singular advantage, so good a master do they serve, that there are sure to be others to fill their places long before they are cold. What embarrassment, then, can the affairs of the nation suffer from an opposition? The embarrassment, alas ! arises solely from the desire which the ministers have to keep

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their places. If they would but resign, their powerful apponents would experience no embarrassment at all. "Go you out," say the opposition. And why should they not say so? Those that are row in said the same to them; and, as to the particular crisis, in which we are placed, if it be, as Mr. Yorke seems to think, one of great difficulty, that is an additional reason for displacing those, whom we may regard as incapable. But this is always the logic of those who are in place: The crisis is difficult; a diffi"cult crisis requires unanimity in support "of his Majesty's government; we are his Majesty's government, and, therefore, you ought to be unanimous in supporting us." But, how is it when the king chooses to turn out his government? Aye, but then he immediately has another; and so, then we are to support that, and by support we are to understand, a total absence of all serious opposition to its will. A much prettier and more amusing idea of despotism under the names and forms of freedom was, perhaps, never before conceived. this will not pass. This also is nearly as despicable as no-popery; and the Morning Post may rest assured, that it will produce no effect favourable to his employers, who, if they fail of success by dint of the solid means so long and so happily used by Pitt, will fail altogether.It is, too, with peculiar good grace, that the no-popery faction cry out against a harrassing opposition; for, was there ever any thing so harrassing as the opposition that they made? Well do I remember the cuckoo calls of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning upon Mr. Windham for his plan;" and, upon a more recent occasion, had they not their set of finance resolutions, coming on day after day, until the country was weary of the sound? But, their cry of no-popery, their anxiety for the safety of the protestant church, and their abhorrence of an attempt to violate the conscience of the king; these af ford us a specimen of that candour with which they ought to expect to be treated. Whence, too, comes the anticipation of "a harassing opposition"? I thought that no popery, sanctified as she was by the dirty Dean, stood in no dread of even the devil himself, much less of the pope and his friends upon earth. Only a few days ago we heard nothing but exultations from the no popery press. The Courier told us, that one of the objects of the dissolution was, to enable his Majesty's government to conduct the affairs of the "nation with easy and comfort to themselves." Whence, then, the accents of alarm that we now hear?-Be

fore this sheet can reach the public eye, the first division will, probably, have taken place, and John Bowles will, very likely, have come out with his first essay, which, I am told, is in the press, upon the subject of aristocratical combinations. His last which was in the form of an electioneering speech, was against Jacobinical combinations; so that, under one description or the other, John will have classed every living creature in this kingdom, who shall dare to open its lips in the way of disapprobation of those who fill the offices at Whitehall. The division will discover pretty clearly what effect the dissolution has produced; and, if it has not considerably diminished the strength of the opposition, no-popery will soon find herself in a poor way. The Courier said, that the opposition should never hear the last of that cry; but, I imagine, his employers would now be glad to bear the last of it, which, however, they will not very soon. They miscalculated greatly as to the sense of the nation. They do not seem to have per ceived the change which has taken place in the turn of men's minds, as to political matters, since the year 1801, and especially since the affair of Lord Melville. Neither do their opponents seem to have clearly perceived it; but, if they perceive it now, if these latter act wisely, and, above all things, cease their self destructive praises of Pitt, they will very soon remove, or, at least, weaken, the strong and just suspicions that exist against them. There is, however, in the language of their chief and very able supporter the Morning Chronicle, an ugly lurking, and a squinting, as it were, after office. The editor writes as if he still felt the roofs of Whitehall over his head. He handles jobs in a most masterly way; but unfairness in the manner is the burden of his complaint. He does not appear to be at war with the accursed thing itself; and, I am very much afraid, that his friends par take but too much of his feelings. But, the day of trial is at haud: we shall then see whether they are, or are not, absolutely in corrigible; we shall then see, whether they have, at last, perceived, that there is no security for any public man who relies upon the power of corruption, and sets at nought the complaints and the prayers of the people. I beg leave to be clearly understood as entertaining no expectation, that the Whig faction will attempt any thing with a view to the public good. In the pursuing of their own selfish views they may, in the way of exposure, do good; but, that they will set about any real reform of abuses, that they will make any serious

effort to cut up the roots of corruption, I have not the least hope; and my opinion is, that, if they were in power again to-morrow, they would out-lavish and out-job their opponents. Their proceedings at Lord Milton's Dinner clearly discover their intentions. The conduct of their chairman, Mr. Fawkes,, who is, I think, the most of a tool of any man I have lately heard of, shews, that they will stick at nothing, however false or impudent, to accomplish their object of again getting into power. getting into power. Let them assemble; let them cabal; let them profess and promise and swear; but, let no man believe one word that they say, tending to produce a belief of future good behaviour, until they have actually moved for the banishment of placemen and pensioners from the House of ComWhither is it go

mons.

THE EXPEDITION.

ing? is asked as often and with as much earnestness as were the questions, relative to the extraordinary nose in Tristram Shandy; and, indeed, it would puzzle a wizzard to guess at its destination. I have endeavoured to come to something like a conjecture upon the subject, but in vain; for, not only cannot I perceive any spot in the map of Europe, where it can possibly be of any service against France, but I am at a loss to discover how it can any where come at the enemy; nor can I conceive from what motive it can have been undertaken, except that of contradiction to the late ministers, who, in this respect, at any rate, acted wisely,. The nopopery ministry seem to have thought, that the nation wished for the expenditure of three or four millions in this way; or, if they did not think this, what could they have thought? They saw the French without any obstacle to oppose them; they saw, because they could see, no chance whatever of landing efficient aid to either Prussia or Russia; and, yet they resolve to fit out an expedition! Really one would think, that they never reflected. But, there must be a Plan of some sort. They must have some reason to give for having determined upon this measure; and, it would be curious, if one could come at the fact, to know with whom, in whose head, the idea originated. For the wars of Pitt; for his and Dundas's bustling and dusty expeditions, one could accoupt. Noise and promise then served to amuse. But, is not the day past for purposes of that kind? We are told, that, in thus condemning before we know what will be the effect of the expedition, we discover a determination to find fault, right or wrong. But is this so? Is a man accused of this species of prejudice if he blames a friend who owes forly