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. IN the year 1803, I had the distinguished honor of ushering into public my Historical Review of the State of Ireland, under the sanction of your Royal Highness's countenance. In 1809, with your gracious permission, I dedicated to your Royal Highness my History of Ireland, from its invasion under Henry II. to its union with Great Britain. The acceptance of the latter work, was accompanied with a communication . . . ''snin - À 2 ; . . .

subject of it, and flattering to the quthor : viz. “ That your Royal Highness proposed “ to yourself much satisfaction in the pe“ rusal of it, not only from the conviction “ of the authenticity of his researches, but “"inasmuch as they regard a people, for “ whose happiness your Royal Highness “ feels the deepest interest.” I aspired to the high honor of inscribing those works to your Royal Highness, because they brought before the public momentous incidents, by which your Royal Highness, as the first of his Majesty's subjects, is the most intimately affected. The history, which I now offer to the public, embraces the transactions of the Irish Goverument, from her, union with Great Britain, to that temporary extinction of constitutional Royalty, with which it has been the will of the Most High, the people should be afflicted : a portion of which only, a majority of the two Houses of Parliament, have taken upon themselves to re-anima te in

your Royal Highness. The transactions of the last ten years encrease in interest, as they advance to a crisis.

This anomalous state of the constitution has bereft your Royal Highness of the power of indulging your innate princely benevolence, and disabled you to give effect to the attributes of Royal virtue. An attempt to procure access to the executive (even under unconstitutional restrictions) over the heads of its responsible advisers might not be perfectly constitutional. And repeated experience has convinced me of the anxiety of its present advisers to keep from your Royal Highness' the knowledge of those facts, which it is the prime object of this history to impart. With humble confidence I assume, that the spirit of your Royal Highness's former permission extends its benign influence to this continuation of my former works. Convinced then, that your Royal

Highness still feels the deepest interest for the Irish people, viewing their warm attachment to your Royal Highness as an unequivocal test of their earnestness in the cause of the British Empire, believing, that without their cordial co-operation that Empire cannot stand, and reluctantly yielding to circumstantial evidence, that there long has existed, and still does exist a systematic confederacy, alarming, as it is disavowed and disguised, which puts your Royal Highness's native rights to hazard, and the State · in danger, in anticipated confidence of your Royal Highness's continued permission I humbly dedicate to your Royal Highness these earnest efforts to unravel the confederacy by a faithful disclosure of the weak and wicked policy so long pursued in governing this valuable portion of the United Kingdom. Sympathetic justice to a high spirited and powerful population has suggested, an active anxiety for the interests of your

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