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forcements, and soon retired within Kingsbridge. The next day the army marched toward White Plains; and on the 6th of July, the van of the French troops under Rochambeau appeared on the hights about eight o'clock, on the left of the Americans. On the sth the French encamped near in a line with the Americans, with their left extending toward the sound. Their whole force consists of more than those who went from Newport; for about the 8th of June, there arrived at Boston a French 50 gun ship, 3 frigates, and 14 transports, with 1-500 men. These marched the 14th of the same month to join their countrymen under Rochamheat. The British having gained the proper intelligence, planned an expedition, which would have been very prejudicial to the Americans had it succeeded. The nature and importance of it may be learned from the general orders of July the 17th. "The commander in chief is exceedingly pleased with maj. gen. Howe, for marching with so much alacrity and rapidity to the defence of the stores at Tarry-town, and repulsing the enemy's shipping. four there. The gallant behavior and spirited exertions of col. Sheldron, capt. Hurlblut, of the 2d regiment of dragoons, capt. lieut: Miles of the artillery, and lieut. Shaylor of the 4th Connecticut regiment, previous to the arrival of the troops, in extinguishing the flames of the vessels, which had been set on fire by the enemy, and rescuing the whole of the ordnance and stores, from destruction, has the applause of the general." On the 21st, the generalin a letter to the French admiral thus expressed himself" I hope there will be no occasion for a movement to the southward, for want of force to act against New-York, as I flatter myself the glory of destroying the British squadron at NewYork is reserved for the king's fleet under your command, and that of the land force at the same place for the allied arms." At eight o'clock in the evening of the same day, the American army (ex clusive of 20 men to a regiment) and part of the French, marched from their encampments, and continued it with great rapidi-ty and scarce arry-halt through the night. At four the next morning, they were drawn up in order of battle, while Washington, Rochambean, all the general officers and engineers reconnoitred the different positions of the enemy's works from right to. left. The next morning was also spent in reconnoitring. At four in the afternoon, the troops prepared to march and return to the camp. They arrived at their old ground by half after twelve.

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The states were all this while very dilatory in sending the num ber of troops required: they were equally culpable as to the quality of those they did send, which occasioned a Massachusetts of VOL. III.

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ficer to write from camp as follows on the 26th-"A private character, who should use fraud to get rid of his engagements, would be considered as a scoundrel; while a collective body do not blush at transactions for which an individual would be kicked out of soqiety. Had the different states honestly complied with the requi sitions of congross, we should at this period have had an army in the field equal to any exigence of service. How contrary has been their conduct! Of their recruits which have come in, to say nothing of their deficiency in point of number, few of them will be able, before the expiration of their enlistments, to perform the duties of a soldier. When I have seen boys of a yard and an half long paraded for muster, absolutely incapable of sustaining the weight of a soldier's accoutrements, and have been told that these shadows have been sent as part of the states quota, I have cursed the duplicity of my countrymen, and pronounced them unworthy the blessings of freedom. The army at large considered this conduct of their respective states as a vile imposition; and we began to send back the unqualified recruits; but so proportionably great was their number, that we were obliged to retain many, who, though they are not at présent, yet may in a campaign or two be in some degree serviceable. This is no exaggerated picture. It might, by a deeper coloring, be made a more striking likeness."

The continental army, by taking a position near New-York and its several movements, confirmed Sir Henry Clinton in the belief of that intelligence he had procured by the interception of Washington's letters, and led him to withdraw a considerable part of the troops under the command of Cornwallis, as a reinforcement to his own garrison. This led Washington to observe on the 30th "From the change of circumstances with which this withdraw will be attended, we shall probably entirely change our plan of operations. I conclude the enemy's capital post will be at Portsmouth." By great exertions and powerful aids from the Massachusetts and Rhode-Island, the heavy artillery, stores, &c. were brought to the North-River in a manner beyond his expectation; as he himself acknowledged on the 2d of August; but on the same day he complained-"I am not stronger at this advanced period of the campaign, than when the army first moved from winter quarters. Not a single man has joined me, except 176 militia from Connecticut, who arrived at West-Point yesterday, and 80 of the York levies, and about 200 state troops of Connecti cut, both of which corps were upon the lines previous to leaving winter cantonments." However, in case the attempt against NewYork must be laid aside, he consoled himself with this thought

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"The detachment left in Virginia seems the next object, and will be very practicable should we obtain a naval superiority." It was very distressing to find, that the statcs either would or could not fill their continental battalions, or afford the aids of militia required from them. At length, a letter from the Count de Grasse, with intelligence that his destination was fixed to the Chesapeak, settled the point by leaving no alternative; on which a joint answer from gen. Washington and Count de Rochambeau was sent to de Grasse on the 17th of August, to give him notice of their determination to remove the whole of the French army; and as large a detachment of the Americans as could be spared to the Chesapeak, there to meet his excellency. The appearance of an attack upon New-York however was still continued, and to induce the firmest persuasion of its being intended, ovens were erected opposite to Staten-Island at the mouth of the Rariton, for the use of the French forces. While this deception was playing off against Sir Henry Clinton, the allied army crossed the North River on the 24th, and pushed for Philadelphia, where they arrived on the 30th, about three o'clock in the afternoon, and were saluted by firing of guns and ringing of bells; and in the evening with bonfires and illuminations. While the allies were marching, the royalists at New-York were pleasing them selves with this intelligence, published in their Gazette of Aug. the 25th-" A gentleman just arrived from Jersey informs us, that young Laurens lately passed through that province on his return from Paris, and has brought the following very interesting intelligence, that THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY HAD DECLARED HIMSELF THE ALLY OF GREAT-BRITAIN, [all in large capitals] which threw the court of Versailles into much confusion, as in consequence of this great event, the French nation must withdraw all support from their new allies, the rebels of this continent; and we are informed it has, with another concurring circumstance, occasioned Mr. Washington and the Count de Rochambeau to quit their menacing position at WhitePlains. We are also told, that the French admiral is embarking all the sick troops on board his squadron, from which it is suggested that their fleet and army are to be withdrawn from Rhode Island, to strengthen themselves in the West-Indies. It is said, that the French and rebels left their ground the day after Mr. Washington received the mortifying account of the emperor's álliance with his old friend the court of Great-Britain."--The seasonable arrival of lieut. col. Laurens at the northward, anal his journey through Jersey to Philadelphia, afforded the opportunity of fabricating such information to assist in disguising the

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movement of the allied army.* On the 4th of September, Wash ington wrote to gen. Greene-"The plan has been totally chang ed, occasioned by a variety of circumstances, two only need be inentioned, the arrival of more than 2000 Germans at New-York, and a certain information that de Grasse would make his first appearance in the Chesapeak,, commence his operations in Virgi nia, and could not continue long on the coasts. I am now advanced to Philadelphia with more than 2000 American infantry, a regiment of artillery, and such apparatus for a siege as we could command.”

The subsequent operation of the allied troops must be related the next morning only let me mention how the French behav ed, while residing at Newport, and on their march to Philadel phia. During their whole stay at Newport, they did not damage the property of the inhabitants to the amount of a hundred dol lars. The towns people could walk about in the evening and at night, with as much safety as if there were no troops in the place. Officers of the first rank and quality conversed with traders, mer chants and gentlemen, whenever the language of either was e nough understood to admit of it, with the utmost affability. Their easy manners and condescending civility endeared them to the citizens among whom they were quartered; and produced comparisons between them and the bulk of British officers who had been before among them, no wise to the advantage of the latter. When the soldiers were encamped out of Newport, the cows grazing in the adjoining fields were never injured, or so much as milked. They were rather a guard than a nuisance.The voice of individuals and of the people at large, commended them for their exemplary behaviour. When they marched thro' the coun try in their way to the American army, their two columns ob served uncommon regularity; and a gentleman in a public cha racter told me, that when they passed through his town, they did not do more damage than if they had been a couple of Ame rican corporals guards. The same conduct was practised elsewhere. Every care was taken to put the inhabitants to the least possible inconvenience; these were agreeably surprised at finding that such a number of men in arms could occasion so little disturbance and trouble. They were welcome guests too, as they paid punc tually for all they wanted, with hard money. Here let it be re marked, that the abundance of hard money which was brought into the United States, for the support of the French navy and army, furnished a quantity of cash that was extremely useful to

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A letter to Mr. Jenkinson, printed for Debrett, 1781.1

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the Americans, and in a degree checked the rapid growth of their distresses through the expiring state of the paper currency. The union of these several particulars, and the expectation of further benefits in military operations, placed the Americans and French on the most friendly footing, though a few years before they had been in the habit of reviling, hating and fighting with each other.

Accounts of military and naval operations at Pensacola and in the West-Indies having reached the continent, the same shall now be related.

Don Bernardo de Galvez having extended his views to the taking of Pensacola, and thereby completing the conquest of West-Florida, went to the Havannah to forward and take upon him the command of the force destined for that service. Soon after the fleet had sailed, it was nearly ruined by a hurricane. Four capital ships, beside others, were lost; and all on board perished, to the amount of more than 2000. The remainder of the fleet put back to the Havannah'; the critical arrival of four store-ships from Spain, enabled them to refit speedily; and five sail of the line, with smaller vessels, were dispatched to conduct Don Galvez, with between 7 and 8000 land forces, on the expedition. They arrived before Pensacola on the 9th of March, and were followed in time by Don Solano with the remainder of the fleet the whole amounting to 15 sail of the line. The entrance of the harbour could not be long defended against so great a power. The passage was forced; the landing effected; the ground broken and the siege commenced in form by sea and land. The garrison was weak; and composed of the remains of British regiment, of Maryland and Pennsylvania royalists, of Waldeckers, sailors, marines, inhabitants and negroes.

By the prudent management of gen. Campbell, there was not the smallest discordance in so motley a garrison; and to their praise they behaved bravely and patiently through every part of the siege. The defence was vigorous. In the first week of May the Spaniards had done nothing decisive; and yet they were not slack in advancing their works. The fate of the place was inevitable; but the reduction of it would have cost them considerably more time and trouble, if an accident had not frustrated the hopes of the besieged. The falling of a bomb, near the door of the magazine belonging to the redoubt, and which lay under its centre, decided the fate of Pensacola. The bursting of the bomb forced open the door; set fire to the powder within; and in an instant the whole redoubt was nearly a heap of rubbish. Two flank works still remained entire; and through the coldness and intrepidity

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