taxes or subscriptions, to be applied at the discretion of such representative body, or of persons deputed by them, was also incompatible with the public safety and tranquillity.

The Roman Catholics being sensible of the calumnies attempted to be affixed to them by their enemies, and wishing to screen themselves against the mischievous imprudence of some individuals, whose close connexions with the political societies of the North most of them condemned, agreed upon the expedient of giving the most solemn publicity to their real sentiments, by circulating through the nation a form of prayer, which was composed by several of their prelates, that happened occasionally to be then in the metropolis.*

The following admonition was read on the ensuing Sunday after mass, in all the Chapels in that city; copies of it were sent all over the kingdom, the original having been composed and signed by the Reverend Dr. Troy, Dr. O'Reilly, Dr. Bray, Dr. Bellew, and Dr. Cruise, five Catholic Bishops then in Dublin, viz.

"DEAR CHRISTIANS,

"Dublin, January 25th, 1793.

“IT has peen our constant practice, as it is our indispensa"ble duty, to exhort you to manifest on all occasions that unshaken loyalty to "his majesty, and obedience to the laws, which the principles of our holy re"ligion inspire and command. This loyalty and obedience have ever peculiar"ly distinguished the Roman Catholics of Ireland. We do not conceive a "doubt of their being actuated at present by the same sentiments; but think it "necessary to observe, that a most lively gratitude to our beloved sovereign "should render their loyalty and love of order, if possible, more conspicuous. "Our gracious king, the common father of all his people, has, with peculiar "energy, recommended his faithful Roman Catholic subjects of this kingdom "to the wisdom and liberality of our enlightened parliament. How can we, "dear Christians, express our heartfelt acknowledgments for this signal and "unprecedented instance of royal benevolence and condescension! Words are "insufficient; but your continued and peaceable conduct will more effectually "proclaim them, and in a manner equally, if not more satisfactory and pleasing to his majesty and his parliament. Avoid then, we conjure you, dearest "brethren, every appearance of riot: attend to your industrious pursuits for "the support and comfort of your families: fly from idle assemblies; abstain "from the intemperate use of spirituous and intoxicating liquors; practise the "duties of our holy religion: This conduct so pleasing to Heaven, will also "prove the most powerful recommendation of your present claims to our amia"ble sovereign, to both houses of parliament, to the magistrates, and to all our "well meaning fellow-subjects, of every description. None but the evil"minded can rejoice in your being concerned in any disturbance.

"We cannot but declare our utmost and conscientious detestation and ab"horrence of the enormities lately committed by seditious and misguided "wretches of every religious denomination, in some counties of this kingdom; "they are enemies to God and man, the outcasts of society, and a disgrace to "Christianity; We consider the Roman Catholics amongst them unworthy the "appellation; whether acting from themselves, or seduced to outrage by arts "of designing enemies to us, and to national prosperity, intimately connected "with our emancipation.

"Offer your prayers, dearest brethren, to the Father of Mercy, that he may "inspire these deluded people with sentiments becoming Christians and good sub"jects; supplicate the Almighty Ruler and Disposer of empires, by whom kings "rule and legislators determine what is just, to direct his majesty's councils,

On the opening of the sessions, the lord lieutenant, after lamenting the spirit of discontent that had manifested itself in different parts of the kingdom, after having stated the ambitious and aggressive views of France, and observed on the usual topics of recommendation on these occasions, then continued ;* "His "majesty has the fullest confidence that you will, on all occasions, "shew your firm determination to enforce due obedience to the "laws, and to maintain the authority of government, in which you may depend upon his majesty's cordial co-operation and support: and I have it in particular command from his majesty, "to recommend it to you to apply yourselves to the considera❝tion of such measures as may be most likely to strengthen and "cement a general union of sentiment among all classes and "descriptions of his majesty's subjects, in support of the estab"lished constitution; with this view his majesty trusts, that the "situation of his majesty's Catholic subjects will engage your "serious attention, and in the consideration of this subject, he "relies on the wisdom and liberality of his parliament."

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The earl of Tyrone moved the address, and was seconded by the honourable Mr. Wesby. Mr. John O'Neil very warmly supported the address. It gave him much pleasure to observe, that the speech recommended to the attention of parliament the situation of the Roman Catholics: the loyalty and good conduct of that people were rapidly removing the prejudices of the constituent body; and there could be no doubt, that his majesty's recommendation would have infinite weight, not only with parliament, but with all ranks of persons.

He concluded with exhorting all men, who loved the constitution, to rally round the throne, and now, in the moment of trial, manifest their wisdom and courage in defending all that was valuable; and by the strongest expressions of affectionate attachment, shew their regard to that king who lived in the hearts of his people. But Mr. Grattan said, our situation is certainly alarming, but by no means surprising; it is the necessary, natural, and obvious result of the conduct of his majesty's ministers; the persons who had opposed our liberty in '82, were made our ministers;

"and forward his benevolent intentions to unite all his Irish subjects in bonds " of common interest, and common endeavours for the preservation of peace "and good order, and for every purpose tending to increase and secure na"tional prosperity.

"Beseech the throne of mercy also, to assist both houses of parliament in "their important deliberations; that they may be distinguished by consummate "wisdom and liberality, for the advantage of the kingdom, and the relief and "happiness of his majesty's subjects.

"Under the pleasing expectations of your cheerful compliance with these our "earnest solicitations, we most sincerely wish you every blessing in this life, " and everlasting happiness in the next; through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen." * 13 Par. Debates, p. 3.

afterwards the country forgave them, but they never forgave the country; they attempted to put down the constitution, and now they have put down the government. We told them so, we admonished them: we told them that their driving system would not do we had no objection to their private characters, or their ' humble, natural relationships of life, but that they were absolutely, totally, radically, disqualified to govern.

Don't they remember, how in 1790, we warned them. They said we were severe. I am sure we were prophetic. In 1791, we repeated our admonition: told them that a government of clerks would not do: that a government by rank majorities would not do that the government of the treasury would not do that Ireland would not be long governed by the trade of parliament. We mentioned this when lord Buckingham ran away from this kingdom, and lord Westmoreland succeeded to his office. We told them, that a nation which had rescued her liberties from the giant of Old England, in '82, would not long bear to be trodden on by the violence of a few pigmies, whom the caprice of a court had appointed ministers. He concluded a very long and animated speech by suggesting an amendment to the address. That part of it which related to his majesty was cold and impolitic, his interposition to heal their religious animosities was an act of distinguished wisdom, as such it should be marked, particularly at a time when attempts had been made on the thrones of princes: at such a time he would mark to the Catholics the king as the deliverer of his people. He would distinguish him from his ministers. He would mark that monarch who had rescued his people from the hands of those ministers, that however they might abhor their proceedings, they should if necessary, unite to rally in support of the throne, keeping pure of leaning to any French politics; or any wishes in favour of that nation, now on the eve of a war with a country, with whom they were by the crown, by the law, by interest, and by every political tie, for ever to be connected.

He then moved an amendment, by inserting, after the word "constitution," the following words, "We admire the wisdom "which at so critical a season has prompted your majesty to แ come forward to take a leading part in healing the animosities "of your people, on account of religion: we shall take into our "immediate consideration the subject graciously recommended "from the throne; and at a time when doctrines pernicious to "freedom and dangerous to monarchial government are propa"gated in foreign countries, we shall not fail to impress your "majesty's Catholic subjects with a sense of the singular and "eternal obligation they owe to the throne, and to your majesty's "royal person and family."

After a very warm debate, Mr. Grattan withdrew his amendment, and the address was committed.

On the next day, Mr. Grattan again moved his amendment to the address, and was supported by Mr. Conolly, who called the attention of the house to that moment, as to the most awful and critical that had ever existed. The expenses, the debt of the country was great, and the corruption of the administration proportioned to both. He had always been attached to the British constitution; and it had been the object of his whole political life to procure for the people of Ireland the full advantages of that constitution. He adored that constitution; and while there was a drop of blood in his veins, he would stand by it, and he felt this attachment to the constitution the stronger, because he knew it carried in its vitals an antidote to any poison that could be brought against it: particularly against the poison of corruption, of which the operation had been so strong as nearly to endanger its existence. Had the constitution been worked as it ought, if he might use that phrase, there would have been no need for those apprehensions of seditious designs expressed in the speech; there would have been no need to fear either Jacobins or Levellers.

As to the address, every part of it had his most hearty concurrence, except one, and that was the paragraph which thanked his majesty for continuing the earl of Westmoreland in the government of that kingdom. During the administration of that nobleman, every salutary measure that had been proposed for the good of the people, had been contemptuously rejected; the expenses of government had increased, and the pension list had been augmented. He had very great affection for lord Westmoreland in his private capacity; but for the good of the country he must wish him out of it.

A warm debate ensued, when Mr. Grattan's amendment at length passed without a division.

The peculiar singularity of the session of 1793, was the accession of government to many of the great questions, which they had successively resisted session after session, with imperious pertinacity.

On the 14th of January, Mr. W. B. Ponsonby introduced the subject of parliamentary reform, expressing his intention of submitting, at a future day, some proposal to the house for a more equal representation of the people in parliament. Mr. Conolly avowed his warmest approbation of the measure, and pledged himself to support it, whenever brought forward. In 1782, he observed, a proposition of that kind came before the house: but it came from a body of armed men sitting in the metropolis.

Such a proposition from such a body, he would always think it right to resist, because the power of reforming the parliament resided in the parliament itself; on that account he then rejected the proposal. Since that period, public grievances had increased, remedies had been in vain attempted; he would therefore recommend it to government to turn their thoughts to that one grand reform. When the house should achieve that, as he had no doubt but they would do, they would have attained the salvation of their country.

Mr. Grattan observed, that since he had been in parliament, no words ever gave him more satisfaction. He had himself intended to have brought forth the question of the reform of parliament, but did not wish to pre-occupy such a question. Those are the gentlemen who ought to lead in that great question; the men who made the sacrifices, to them belonged the laurel.

That was not the first time, in which the right honourable gentleman had made sacrifices to the country; in 1769, that gentleman and all his connexions were deprived of all their emoluments for supporting the privileges of that house, against an altered money bill. In 1789, they were also dismissed for defending the privileges of the two houses of parliament, against an unconstitutional and condemned viceroy; and now they advanced a third time to surrender great power, all their monopolies, and to embark in the vessel of the commonwealth, and fairly or proudly to rise or fall with the fortunes of their country.

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After a long speech, he moved "that a committee be appointed to inquire whether any, and what abuses had taken place in the "constitution of that country, or the administration of its govern"ment, and to report such temperate remedies as might appear "most likely to redress the same." Mr. W. B. Ponsonby seconded the motion; and sir John Parnel said, the motion was very wisely and temperately introduced, by denying that force should be used to extort any measure of this kind, and by asserting the exclusive right of the house to reform itself.

Mr. Corry, proposed by way of amendment, that instead of a committee to inquire into the abuses of the constitution and of the administration, a committee should be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation. Many objections were raised both against the amendment and against the original motion. But Mr. Grattan admitting the right of any member to separate the questions, added, that his original motion was to the abuses in the representation of the people, to the influence of the crown in parliament, and also, to the corruption which had taken place in the administration of its government. All ought to be reformed. But if the house wished to confine themselves to a part of his motion for the present, that is, the state of the representation, he