that house, incompatible with the principles of the constitution, " and the independence of parliament."

The motion was seconded by Mr. Grattan, and negatived without a division, at a quarter past two o'clock in the morning. On the 14th of March, Mr. Grattan made one more attack on the police bill; but upon a division for adjournment in a very thin house, there appeared for the adjournment 53, against it 24, On the next day, when the money bills were carried up to the lords, the speaker made the following speech to the lord lieu

tenant.

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

"THE Commons of Ireland attend with the supplies. "While they may look back with a conscious pride to their spirited "and successful measures for preventing an increase of the na"tional debt, as one great cause of the extension of trade, agri"culture and manufactures, which has with a rapid and uninter"rupted progress raised this kingdom to a state of prosperity and "wealth never before experienced in it; they know that the con"tinuance of that prosperity would soon cease, if it were not "cherished and maintained by our most excellent constitution, in "which liberty and order are so happily blended, that every sub"ject equally enjoys their influence, and feels his person, his in"dustry and property, equally effectually protected by it.

"Its preservation, therefore, must ever be the great object of "their care, and there is no principle on which it is founded so "essential to its preservation, nor more justly dear to their pa "triotic and loyal feelings, than that which has settled the throne "of these realms on his majesty's illustrious house; on it, and "on the provisions for securing a Protestant parliament, depends "the Protestant ascendency, and with it the continuance of the "many blessings we now enjoy.

"The bills which I hold contain the usual grants, and I have "the most sincere happiness in presenting them to your excel"lency, whose knowledge of the true interests of Ireland, and "whose anxiety to promote its welfare, has been proved to us by "the firmest vigilance, and prudence of your administration." When the speaker, with the members had returned to the house, Mr. secretary Hobart moved the thanks of the house to the speaker, for his speech at the bar of the House of Lords, and said, if he were capable adequately to express his feelings with regard to the right honourable person in question, or did he believe he had ability to convey the sentiments of the house, he would expatiate fully on the subject; but as he feared he could not do justice to his merit, he should content himself with saying,

12 Par. Deb. p. 298.

.

that if ever that chair were filled by a person, whose talents and integrity, whose public and private character could do honor to so elevated a station, it was then so filled.

After an adjournment for about one month, the parliament was prorogued on the 18th of April; on which day his excellency, in his speech from the throne, assured both houses of parliament," that he had his majesty's commands to express his approbation of the wisdom that had guided their proceedings during the present session, especially in the liberal indulgences they had afforded to their Roman Catholic brethren, by establishing the legality of intermarriage, by admitting them to the profession of the law, and the benefits of education, and by removing, all restrictions upon their industry in trade and manufactures."

It appears from the studied allusions to the Protestant ascendancy, which in the speech of the speaker were evidently aimed against the petition of the Catholics for a participation in the elective franchise, that Mr. Foster wished to raise a strong and general opposition to that measure throughout the country: but the speech of the lord lieutenant imported, that the government, moving by the impulse of the British councils, was disposed rather to extend than contract the indulgences to the Roman Catholics. His majesty approved of their wisdom in the liberal indulgences that had been granted, but suggested no danger to the Protestant ascendancy, nor recommendation to check their liberality. Umbrage indeed had been taken, during the debate on the Catholic question, by some members, at the idea of its introduction under the sanction of the British minister.*

On the presentation of the Catholic petition by Mr. Egan, Mr. Staples said, he thought the bill was introduced under a mandate of a British minister, and as such supported by administration here, rather than as a measure, in which the sense of parliament or the Protestant interests were consulted. He wished to know if any farther concession to Roman Catholics were intended, or if any line were to be drawn, in order to mark out the ultimate boundary of such measures; and he signified his wish of moving some strong declaratory clause in the preamble of the bill on this head; to which Mr. secretary Hobart answered, that he knew of no concessions intended to Roman Catholics but what were mentioned in the bill proposed by his right hon. friend, and to those, so far as he could collect, the general sense of the house was favourable; but with respect to the measure of drawing any line for the future conduct of parliament on this topic, it was a measure he would never presume to attempt. With respect to mandates of a British minister on the subject, he knew of none.

Mr. Staples feared it was a measure of absolute command from a British minister, and therefore hoped the spirit of the house would resist it.

Sir Thomas Osborne remarked, that the bill, being brought forward by the advice of that most able minister, should have his assent.

Mr. Sheridan should not have spoken on the subject, if an answer had been giyen to the question put by his hon. friend, and if an hon. baronet had not said, "the bill had his approbation, because introduced under the direction of the British minister," whom he was pleased to style "most able."

The great object of the political views of Ireland both in and out of parliament, during the whole year of 1792, was Catholic emancipation, as it was improperly called. The question had produced unprecedented divisions and subdivisions of parties. throughout the kingdom. The few of the leading Protestants, who wished the Irish to become a people, and to enjoy the freedom of the British constitution, opposed the bulk of their fellow Protestants, who, under the specious cry of Protestant ascendancy, were determined to defend their possessions of that monopoly of civil power, which the abuse of centuries had vested in them. The Dissenters, who in Ireland are certainly as numerous as the Protestants of the establishment, had deeply imbibed the axiom of Mr. Grattan, that the Irish Protestant should never be free, until the Irish Catholic should cease to be a slave: they consequently urged the Catholics to unite with them in emancipating their country; and some of the Catholics for a time gave enthusiastically into that co-operation. A very respectable though not the most numerous part of the Catholic body was divided against the rest of their brethren, from their disapprobation of the principles, means, and support, upon which the latter appeared to rest the common hopes of success. Great, however, was their address in securing through their agent, the countenance and support of the father, (Mr. Burke) whose influence upon the British cabinet was now generally felt and universally admitted. The disgrace and obloquy attempted to be thrown upon the Catholic committee, served to deepen their reflection upon their situation, and to stimulate their exertions to emerge out of it. The alarm, reluctance, and tenacity of the Protestant gave energy, confidence, and perseverance to the Catholic.

Previous, therefore, to any further application, the committee, following the example of their brethren in England, which had been attended with such conciliating effects, and in pursuance of the advice of many of their best friends and ablest supporters, resolved to give to the legislature and their country the most ample satisfaction in their power, on all topics of their faith, which were, however remotely, connected with the principles of good order and government. For this purpose they anxiously attended to every objection, and every proposal, whether resulting from motives of friendship or enmity, to secure or to subvert their hopes of emancipation; they consulted those, who from their situation and pursuits were best acquainted with the difficulties and the doubts existing in the minds of their Protestant brethren; they diligently studied the modes most likely to give

Sir Thomas Osbourne, did not say direction, but advice. To which Mr. Sheridan replied, that, if he were compiling a dictionary, he should explain "advice of a minister," by the single word command.

complete satisfaction on all those points; and finally, after due and earnest deliberation, they published a declaration of their tenets, which was signed generally by the Catholics of all descriptions through the kingdom, clergy and laity. It received the warm approbation of their supporters, and imposed silence on many of their opponents. It was circulated as widely as possible throughout the kingdom.

Having thus endeavoured to clear the way by the removal of prejudices, which had long and powerfully operated against them, and wishing to pay every possible respect and deference to the legislature, which had expressed doubts as to what were the real sentiments and wishes of the Catholic body: and being fully convinced, that in order to induce that august assembly to afford relief to three millions of loyal and peaceable subjects, it was incumbent upon them to satisfy them of the unequivocal sense of all the Catholics of Ireland, which could only be fairly collected and fully expressed by delegation;† the committee therefore devised a plan whereby the sentiments of every individual of their body in Ireland should be ascertained, by means of delegates.

Immediately on the appearance of this plan, a general outcry was raised against it; sedition, tumult, conspiracy and treason, were echoed from county to county, from grand jury to grand jury. Some legislators high in the confidence of their sovereign, and armed with the influence of station and office, presided at those meetings, and were foremost in arraigning measures, upon the merits of which in another place and in another function they were finally to determine.

The exaggerated and alarming language of most of the grand juries imported, that the Catholics of Ireland were on the eve of a general insurrection, ready to hurl the king from his throne, and tear the whole frame of the constitution to pieces.

The Leitrim grand jury denominated the plan "An inflammatory and dangerous publication," and stated, "that they felt "it necessary to come forward at that period to declare, that "they were ready to support, with their lives and fortunes, their present most valuable constitution in church and state; and "that they would resist, to the utmost of their power, the attempts of any body of men, however numerous, who should "6 presume to threaten innovation in either."

แ

The grand jury of the county of Cork denominated the plan "An unconstitutional proceeding, of the most alarming, dangerous and seditious tendency; an attempt to over-awe par

* This declaration is to be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXVIII. This plan of delegation is also to be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXIX.

liament;" they stated their determination to " protect and a defend, with their lives and property, the present constitution "in church and state." That of Roscommon, after the usual epithets of "alarming, dangerous, and seditious," asserted that the plan called upon the whole body of the Roman Catholics of Ireland to associate themselves in the metropolis of that kingdom, upon the model of the national assembly of France, which had already plunged that devoted country into a state of anarchy and tumult unexampled in any civilized nation: they stated it to be "an attempt to over-awe parliament;" they mentioned their serious and sensible alarms for the existence of their present happy establishment in church and state; and their determination," at the hazard of every thing dear to them, to uphold and maintain the Protestant interest of Ireland."

The grand jury of Sligo resolved, "that they would, at all times, and by every constitutional means in their power, re"sist and oppose every attempt then making, or thereafter to "be made by the Roman Catholics, to obtain their elective "franchise, or any participation in the government of the coun"try." And that of Donegal declared, that though "they "regarded the Catholics with tenderness, they would maintain, "at the hazard of every thing dear to them, the Protestant in"terest of Ireland."

And

The grand jury of Fermanagh, professing also "the warm"est attachment to their Roman Catholic brethren," felt it however necessary to come forward at that period to declare, that they were "ready with their lives and fortunes to support their "present invaluable constitution in church and state." that of the county of Derry, after expressing their apprehensions, lest that proceeding "might lead to the formation of an hierarchy (consisting partly of laity) which would destroy the Pro"testant ascendancy, the freedom of the elective franchise, and "the established constitution of this country," tendered their lives and fortunes to support the happy constitution as established at the revolution of 1688. A very great majority of the leading signatures affixed to those resolutions, were those of men either high in the government of the country, or enjoying lucrative places under it, or possessing extensive borough interest.

The grand jury of the county of Louth, with the Speaker of the House of Commons at their head, declared, "that the al"lowing to Roman Catholics the right of voting for members "to serve in parliament, or admitting them to any participation "in the government of the kingdom, was incompatible with the "safety of the Protestant establishment, the continuance of the "succession to the crown in the illustrious House of Hanover, "and finally tended to shake, if not destroy, their connexion