Mr. Tighe said, that as Orangemen as well as Defenders had been mentioned, he would not inquire whether those had burned houses and expelled their inhabitants to save the constitution, or whether these had resisted them for the same reason; but he would say, that if any particular set of men were allowed to proclaim themselves as the protectors of this or that description of people, it would be a most dangerous precedent: if it were permitted to one body of men, every other would claim it.

Mr. Pelham assured the house, that no disturbances then existed between the Orangemen and the Catholics. Letters had been received from large bodies of both descriptions, informing government, that they were at last convinced both parties had been deceived by the United Irishmen, whose leading principles were a desire to see a French army in their country to effect, a complete separation of Ireland from the crown of Great Britain. With respect to the Orangemen and Defenders, whom an honourable gentleman had in the inadvertence of debate called rebels, he did not for his part think, that either description of these men deserved that epithet. They were the United Irishmen only, to whom that name applied.

On the 5th of March, 1798, sir Lawrence Parsons after a very long and interesting speech made his promised motion, that a committee should be appointed to inquire into the state of the country, and to suggest such measures as were likely to conciliate the popular mind. Lord Caulfield in a maiden speech of much ability seconded the motion. Lord Castlereagh, with whom the majority of the house went, vehemently opposed it. He entered into a history of the country for some years back, and concluded from the events, that the United Irishmen were not men, who would be contented or conciliated by any measures of concession short of a separation from England, and fraternity with the French Republic; that they were in open rebellion, and therefore only to be met by force. He reasoned also to prove, that the coercive measures of the government had been the consequences not the causes of the discontents; that the excesses charged on the soldiery were naturally to be expected from the state of things, though he did not cease to lament them; and he also contended that where excesses had taken place, the laws were open and able to punish them; witness the last assizes of Drogheda.

His lordship was followed by a long train of members, who spoke against the motion on the ground of its being not likely to be effectual, because the professed designs of the United Irishmen, were such as left no hope they would be conciliated by such measures; because to yield to the measure at that time would be a dishonourable compromise with rebellion; and because conciliatory measures had already been tried by government in the

proclamation of offering a free pardon to all who should come in and submit. Some few gentlemen spoke for the question, amongst whom Mr. Plunket particularly stated his reasons for doing so, because much obloquy had been thrown on those who supported it; he felt strongly the awful situation of the country. He felt detestation for the wicked combination which had brought it into that situation. But that situation imposed on the house an imperious necessity of adopting every fair and honourable measure which might probably lead to lessen or avert the difficulties which pressed upon the state. There were in that country hundreds of thousands, who though not in favour with the adminis tration, not being friends to their measures, were not with the United Irishmen, but entertained the strongest disapprobation of them and their plots. The United Irishmen dreaded nothing so much as their concession: they trembled at it, because it would tear off the mask, with which they had hitherto covered themselves, and strip them of those pretexts, by which they had crowded their ranks. It was by that mode they were to be put down.

At five o'clock in the morning the house divided upon sir Lawrence Parsons's motion, when there were only 19 for it and 156 against it.

It is important to remark, that in all the debates in parliament, whenever the abuses and outrages of the army were mentioned they were never contradicted; the gentlemen from the treasury bench replied, that they were to be expected: that they were the natural effusions of a loyal army in a rebel country: that such had existed at all times, particularly in America: and that the courts of law were open to redress, and none should complain, who refused to seek it. These were speculative not practical resources. Cottagers, labourers, and farmers, whose habitations had been destroyed, whose relatives had been transported, maimed, or murdered, found no solace or relief in the power, without the means of prosecuting either civilly or criminally. Every single instance of such outrage and cruelty created disaffection, hatred, and revenge in thousands, who knew and who execrated the deed. The ferocity of the system was engendered, cherished, and nurtured not by the British but by the Irish administration. Lord Clare avowed those very strong measures were extorted from the chief governor. The British cabinet had most judiciously appointed the gallant sir Ralph Abercrombie the commander in chief in Ireland, well knowing, that he would require the duties, without debasing the character of the soldier. Very soon after his arrival, that respected veteran found himself under the necessity of publishing the following general orders, which not only proved the licentious and disorderly state in which the army then was,

but reflected the strongest imputation upon those through whose connivance, neglect, or criminality, they had been permitted or encouraged to run into that lamentable and disgraceful situation.

"Adjutant General's Office, Dublin, February 26, 1798.

"GENERAL ORDERS.

"THE very disgraceful frequency of courts martial and the "many complaints in the conduct of the troops in this kingdom, "having too unfortunately proved the army to be in a state of "licentiousness, which must render it formidable to every one "but the enemy: the commander in chief thinks it necessary to "demand from all generals commanding districts and brigades, "as well as commanding officers of regiments, that they exert "themselves, and compel, from all offices under their command, "the strictest and most unremitting attention to the discipline, "good order, and conduct of their men; such as may restore "the high and distinguished reputation the British troops have "been accustomed to enjoy in every part of the world. It be

comes necessary to recur, and most pointedly to attend to the "standing orders of the kingdom, which at the same time, that "they direct military assistance to be given at the requisition of "the civil magistrate, positively forbid the troops to act (but in

case of attack) without his presence and authority; and the “ most clear and precise orders are to be given to the officer "commanding the party for this purpose.

"The utmost prudence and precaution are also to be used in "granting parties to revenue officers, with respect to the person "requiring such assistance and those employed on the duty; "whenever a guard is mounted, patroles must be frequently out to take up any soldier who may be found out of his quarters "after his hours.

"A very culpable remissness having also appeared on the part "of officers respecting the necessary inspection of barracks, quar"ters, messes, &c. as well as attendance at roll-calls, and other "hours: commanding officers must enforce the attention of those "under their command to those points, and the general regula"tions: for all which the strictest responsibility will be expected "from them.

"It is of the utmost importance, that the discipline of the "dragoon regiments should be minutely attended to, for the fa"cilitating of which the commander in chief has dispensed with "the attendance of orderly dragoons on himself, and desires that "they may not be employed by any general or commanding of"ficers but on military and indispensable business.

"Lieut. Gen. Craig,

a Eastern District Barracks, Dublin."

"G. HEWIT,
"Adjutant General.

The liberal and genuine spirit of the British soldier, so prominent on the face of these orders, was repugnant to the coercive system of the Irish ministry: but the inflexible firmness of that gallant veteran repelled every idea of extorting from him measures he did not approve of: he soon after resigned. Until the arrival of lord Cornwallis, the extorted system of very strong measures, so much boasted of by the earl of Clare, was revived as extensively as possible. The effect of a principal part of sir Ralph Abercrombie's orders was soon defeated by Mr. Pelham's letter of the 3d of March, 1798, in which he informs the officers, that his excellency further authorised them to employ force against any persons assembled in arms, not legally authorised so to do, and to disperse all tumultuous assemblies of persons, though they might not be in arms, without waiting for the sanction and assistance of the civil authority, if in their opinion the peace of the realm, and the safety of his majesty's faithful subjects might be endangered by waiting for such authority.

The parliament in the mean while prepared the money and some other pressing bills with little or no opposition, and when they received the royal assent on the 24th of March, the speaker made an impressive speech on the unprecedented magnitude of

"MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,

"LARGE as the supplies of the last session were beyond all "former grants, these which the commons now offer to his majesty are not "inferior; they go to the fullest extent of every service proposed by govern "ment, and are given with an unanimity and zeal which mark the unalterable "determination of this kingdom to stand or fall with Great Britain, and shew "that our vigour rises as the vaunting menaces of the enemy increase.

"With the same unanimity we have voted the maintenance of an army far "greater than was ever kept up by this kingdom during any preceding war; "and we have continued to them the augmentation of pay which was granted "by the last parliament, and which your excellency did justly state to that "parliament to be a seasonable and honourable acknowledgment on their part "of the steadiness and loyalty of that army; the present parliament feels the "same sentiment towards them. Repeated experience of the order and alac“rity which they have shewn on every occasion that has offered, confirms his "majesty's faithful commons in those sentiments, and we join most cordially "with his majesty in his firm reliance on the valour of his regular and militia "forces in this kingdom, which his majesty has been pleased to express his "gracious answer to our address this session.

While the courage, the vigour, and the discipline of those forces, must "render them formidable to the enemy and insure his defeat, should he be "desperate enough to attempt invasion, their zeal, and that of the yeomen to "put down rebellion, to crush insurrection, and to assist the executive power in protecting the loyal, the innocent, and well disposed, affords the most "convincing proofs of their ardent and unshakeable attachment to the best "sovereign and best constitution that ever blessed a free and happy people. "We are free, and we will not tamely give up our happiness. The loyal spi"rit of the nation is able to crush rebellion to atoms wherever it shall dare to "show itself, and with the firmness which so strongly marks your excellency's "character, with the constant success which has attended every vigorous measure that necessity has called on your excellency to adopt, we have no

the supplies, with several strong observations on the critical situation of the kingdom at that juncture.

The rebellious leaders of the union about this time received a letter from France, stating that succours might be expected in April. But they never learned why that promise was not fulfilled. It is indeed admitted on all hands, that the French government had so little confidence in the Irish rebels, that in all their communications with the rebel directory, they never intimated to them the place where they meant to land, or except in the first the force they would bring. There appears too much reason to believe what Messrs. O'Connor, M'Nevin, and Emmet have observed in the memoir,* that the French never will abandon the plan of separating that country from England, so long as the dis contents of the people would induce them to support an invasion. It more frequently falls within the duty, than the power of the faithful annalist to trace the true causes of changes both in men and measures. It is notorious, that in Ireland, the active minis

"thing to fear. We have indeed to lament that traitorous conspiracies can "still continue, and that any men can be found in the land so lost to every "sense of patriotism, of humanity, of duty to themselves, their country and "their God, as to degrade the nation and the name of Irishmen, by acts of ingratitude, barbarity, and assassination, which would debase a savage, acts "which call for the heavy hand of justice, and which the ordinary power of "the laws has proved inadequate to prevent the melancholy and frequent re"petition of.

"But while we lament such a mortifying calamity, we have the satisfaction "of seeing how little its malignant influence or the efforts of an exasperated "and revengeful enemy, have affected our commercial prosperity.

"Notwithstanding the largeness of the supplies, we have continued the "usual bounties and encouragements to the trade, the agriculture, and the "manufactures of the kingdom, and we see with sincere gratification the de"sirable effects of those encouragements, in the great increase of trade during "the war, in the general confidence which attends private as well as public "credit, in the usual plenty which our agriculture supplies, and in the pros"perous state of all our manufactures, but most particularly of our great sta"ple the linen."

Memoir 23. There appears no plausible reasoning for doubting the sincerity of the proffered opinion of those Memorialists: at all events fas est et ab hoste doceri. "Let us then (say they) whilst Ireland is yet our country, be in"duiged in a few remarks, which we deem extremely important to its future "prosperity; now that we have given these full and faithful details of the past, "we cannot be suspected of any but pure disinterested motives in what we are "about to say, ere we leave it for ever. The parts we have acted have ena "bled us to gain the most intimate knowledge of the dispositions and hearts "of our countrymen. From that knowledge we speak, when we declare our "deepest conviction, that the penal laws which have followed in such doleful "and rapid succession, the house burnings, arbitrary imprisonments, and free "quarters, and above all, the tortures to extort confessions, neither have had, "or can have, any other effect but exciting the most lively rancour in the hearts "of almost all the people of Ireland, against those of their countrymen who "have had recourse to such measures for maintaining their power, and against "the connexion with Great Britain, whose men, and whose aid had been pour"ed in to assist them."