Sir Lawrence Parsons then rose to inquire of Mr. secretary Pelham, on the part of the country, and of the house, what measures he intended to propose on that momentous subject, mutual defence.

Mr. Pelham stated, the result of his exertions for that country to be, that the two countries should, as occasion might require, assist each other; that if Ireland wanted troops, in case of an attack, Great Britain should send some of hers; and that if Great Britain, on the other hand, should need assistance against an invading enemy, Ireland should lend her similar assistance. Besides this, he briefly mentioned some other arrangements of a pecuniary nature, in which Ireland was to receive assistance from Great Britain; but which would come more properly to be explained in the committee of supply.

A most extraordinary debate followed this resolution. The house being in committee, many of the members availed themselves of their privilege of speaking more than once, and between three and four o'clock in the morning, they reported progress and adjourned. The opposition members were severe on government for leaving the country in that defenceless state; and amongst the various modes of defence proposed, strongly urged an augmentation of the yeomanry corps to the amount of 50,000 men; which Mr. M. Beresford, who spoke from authority, explicitly reprobated, as a most mischievous measure; and he was supported by lord Castlereagh. When sir Lawrence Parsons complained of the opposition given by government to every mode of defence proposed, Mr. Pelham thought proper to disclaim any suspicion on the part of government against arming the people under the yeomanry act. The debate ended in the adoption of sir John Blaquiere's motion, that 10,000 men should be raised for the public service: it being understood, that the mode of raising them, and the bounties to be given, should be entirely in the discretion of the government.

*On a subsequent night (the 24th) sir Lawrence Parsons, after a very animated speech on the necessity of a permanent internal defence, moved the following resolution: "That it is the opinion "of this house, that a considerable augmentation should be "made to the yeomanry infantry, in addition to the present force "of the country; and an address be presented to his excellency "the lord lieutenant, praying, that he would be pleased to take "the most effectual and speedy steps for that purpose; the exigency of the present times requiring, that the most prompt "and extensive measures of defence be taken."

Mr. Pelham said, that in hearing the honourable baronet, he had for some time forgot himself; and supposed he had been in

* 17 Par. Deb. p. 351.

one of the circles of Germany, where different parties bid for the people. Was that the Irish House of Commons, lately so zealous for the defence of the country, that he heard it urged, the people would attach themselves to the first invader, if arms were not put into their hands by government? What had changed the people, whom, as the honourable baronet had said on a former night, he had seen with such alacrity drawing the cannon of his battalion? He then went into a refutation of the assertions of sir Lawrence Parsons, that the French had, in the last armament, 25,000 men; he contended, from the best authority, that there were not at most above 12,000 men; that were they to come again, such measures had been concerted with Great Britain, that a large body of troops should in a few hours be in Ireland. That it was absurd to suppose, the British minister would not be interested for the safety of Ireland.

Mr. Grattan followed Mr. Pelham, and gave a very animated support to the motion of the honourable baronet. One would have thought, he said, from the vehemence with which the honourable baronet had been opposed, that he had proposed to diminish or disband the army or militia, instead of adding 50,000 men to the defence of the country. The honourable baronet said, it was necessary to face a victorious enemy with a large force, and make that force consist of the people. The English servant of the English minister said, "What! would you have me bid for the people?" He would say to that English deputy of that English minister, if he would not bid for the people, he might go about his business. If he would not bid for the people, the monster of democracy, which had conquered Spain, Holland, Germany, and Italy, by bidding for the people, would bid for the people of Ireland. The bidding of the minister would then come too late. He had asked, who could be more interested for the safety of Ireland, than the British minister? He would answer, Ireland herself. To refer to the British minister the safety of that country, was the most sottish folly; it was false and unparliamentary to say, that the house had no right to recommend a measure, such as the honourable baronet proposed. Had it been a proposition to increase the regular standing army, it might perhaps have been a little irregular; but when an increase of 10,000 to the standing army was proposed by a right honourable baronet the other night, it was not considered as an affront. Now another honourable baronet comes forward to give an army five fold as many, and five fold as cheap, and administration are affronted. Why? Because that army was of the people. If the doctrine the right honourable member advanced were true, and that the duty of parliament now were become nothing more than merely to vote taxes, and echo three millions, when the minister H h

VOL. IV.

said three millions are wanted, then indeed actum est de parlia mento; a reform of the representation was become then more than ever necessary.

After a debate, which was kept up with unusual heat till four o'clock in the morning, 25 voted for sir Lawrence Parsons's motion, and 125 opposed it.

On the 27th, Mr. George Ponsonby moved for a vote of censure on the ministry for having been highly criminal for their neglect and unskilfulness in the provision, direction, and distribution of the military and naval force of the country, in the threatened invasion in the month of December last; which, after midnight, was negatived without a division.* The like fate attended Mr. Vandeleur's motion for an absentee tax, which was warmly debated to a very late hour: on this division,† more sided with the minority than on any other question during the session; there being 49 for, and 123 against the motion.

The internal situation of the country was at this time truly awful. For some months had turbulence and insurrection shewn themselves in different parts of the kingdom. The lord lieutenant had been obliged to proclaim several counties and districts, under the insurrection act, to be in a state of disturbance. The different insurgents appeared to be unconnected with each other; for ge nerally upon the appearance of the slightest military force they dispersed or returned to their duty: their turbulence was various; not systematic, nor organized.

In the preceding months of December, January, and February, many districts in the northern counties were proclaim

* It must readily appear, that the fate of this question was decided by influence, not by investigation of facts. Mr. Grattan spoke in the debate, by merely making a statement. (17 Par. Deb. p. 374.) "The circumstance of the French fleet escaping two British fleets, riding triumphantly for seventeen days, and get"ting back unmolested, formed a phenomenon in the naval history of Great "Britain, which challenges inquiry. The plea urged in excuse, that the ad"miralty was not acquainted with the destination of the French fleet, was a

great aggravation of the neglect; though the truth of the plea were con"firmed, by the declaration of the British minister, that the report of the "French fleet being off the coast of Ireland was nothing more than the "phrenzy of common fame."

Lord Castlereagh took a very prominent part in opposing this question; to whom Mr. Vandeleur thus replied: "It was insinuated by a noble lord (Castlereagh), that it was presumptuous in a man of his age and experience "to propose to that house a measure of such vast importance: he must con"fess, he did not possess the same advantages of political education with the "noble lord: he well knew the Castle was a hot bed, which opened the un"derstanding and matured the judgment. It had so completely eradicated "all prejudices from the mind of the noble lord, that he was unable to perceive, "whether he spoke the language of the minister, or deputy minister of the "English cabinet, or that of the representative of a great, populous, and in"dependent country; which, by great and manly exertions, had ushered him "into that house on the shoulders of popularity."

ed.* Amongst other distresses of the times brought on by the war, was the order of the privy council to the governors and company of the Bank of Ireland to discontinue payments in specie. This overwhelming circumstance filled the minds of the public with fresh diffidence, alarm, and discontent. It was communicated by Mr. Pelham to the parliament on the 1st of March; and afterwards debated with some ineffectual opposition. So critical at this period was the internal state of Ireland to the general interests of the British empire, that it arrested the attention of both houses of the British parliament.

In the British House of Commons on the 3d of March, 1797, the order of the day having been read for instituting an inquiry into the conduct of ministers on occasion of the late attempt of the French to invade Ireland. Mr. Whitbread entered into a full detail of the circumstances attending the whole of that expedition. After commenting upon the nature and effects of public and private information, and stating, that general Dalrymple had not at that time 3000 regular troops to oppose to the enemy; that there were stores unprotected in Cork to the amount of a million and an half, the great supply for the British navy for the ensuing year, he made the following regular statement of the motions of our own and the French fleets from the time of the enemy quitting the harbour of Brest, and a short period antecedent thereto. Admiral Colpoys, with a fleet of fourteen or fifteen sail of the line, was lying off Brest harbour for some weeks. The French fleet, however, in defiance of this, sailed from Brest on the 15th of December. On the 20th of that month they arrived on the coast of Ireland, and some of them dropped anchor in Bantry Bay. Previous to that, and during the time that admiral Colpoys was with his squadron lying off Brest, admiral Richery, with six French ships of the line, passed the squadron of admiral Colpoys, and got safe into Brest. On the 21st the enemy cast anchor in Bantry Bay; so that they were at sea, and on the coast of Ireland, from the 18th of December to the 6th of January. On the 20th of December news arrived in England, that the French fleet had quitted Brest. From the 23d to the 25th, the wind was favourable for the squadron under the command of lord Bridport to have sailed. It continued fair on the 26th and 27th, after which it came a-head, and the fleet could not sail for some days. On the 31st intelligence came to this country, that the French fleet was off the coast of Ireland, and on the same day, exactly, admiral Colpoys, with the fleet under his command, arrived at Portsmouth. The reasons given for his return with this squadron were various and contradictory.

The proclamations all ran in one form; a specimen of which is to be seen in the Appendix, No. CI.

One was, that his force was not sufficient to encounter that of the enemy. If that were a true reason, it furnished an additional cause for an inquiry into the conduct of ministers, and of the first lord of the admiralty in particular. What, when they had received information of the active and extensive preparations going forward at Brest, after the large sums consumed in secret service money, and the immense navy in our possession, ought they not to have sent out fresh ships to reinforce that squadron? admiral Colpoys must have received intelligence of the sailing of the Brest fleet. Did he sail in pursuit of them? Did he sail towards the coast of Portugal after them, where it might perhaps have occurred to him they were gone? No. Did he sail after them towards the coast of Ireland? No: he sailed directly for Portsmouth, where he arrived on the very day, that information was brought they were on the Irish coast. Another reason, which had been given for the return of this squadron into port was, that it was short of provisions. Admiral Elphinstone arrived in Ireland, in the Monarch of 74 guns, accompanied by a frigate. He gave notice to the castle of Dublin, that he, with the ship under his command, and with that frigate, was ready to join any other force that might be allotted for the purpose to go in search of the enemy. Admiral Kingsmill, who was stationed at Cork, also issued orders for several frigates and the Monarch to sail in quest of the enemy. Yet on the 3d of January, admiral Elphinstone arrived at Spithead, with the Monarch without having seen any of the enemy's fleet. On the same day lord Bridport, with the squadron under his command, sailed from thence. He went first to Brest, as the most likely track for falling in with the enemy's ships. In that idea, however, he was disappointed: for his lordship, after some day's waiting there to no effect or purpose, thought it necessary to shape his course to the coast of Ireland. In this farther pursuit he was equally unsuccessful; and on the 3d of February he returned to Spithead with the fleet under his command, without having fallen in with, or even seen one single ship belonging to the shattered, dispersed, and divided fleet of the enemy. Thus the designs of the enemy were only frustrated by the winds, and the safety of Ireland entirely abandoned to the chance of the elements. Such was the regular statement of events as they successively occurred; and those were the grounds on which he meant to found the motion: "That it be referred to a committee, to inquire into the conduct "of ministers, with respect to the late attempt of the French in "the invasion of Ireland."

Mr. secretary Dundas in reply, after much prefatory matter, gave his statement of facts to the following effect. Prior to the sailing of the French fleet from Brest, the admiralty had received