to be conceded, in that case common sense must suggest, that they should not by any new concession unite more power with their discontent.

He had the happiness to assert from authority, what he had long learned from experience: "That not a sentiment of that "tendency was entertained by the Catholic body; none such be"longed to them; they renounced them; they utterly disclaimed "them." There was not a class of his majesty's subjects more attached than they were to the monarchy and hereditary succession, more obedient to the laws, or more devoted to the king and constitution, as by law established.

These principles they had testified by their conduct at all times; at times very different from the present, when the laws were less indulgent, when they had fewer pledges to bind them to their country; when property and the titles of land were not irrevocably fixed; at times when hostile fleets and armies were on their coast, and when even the king on the throne, by some may not have been supposed to stand as he did without a rival in their affections.

They then came forward by solemn declaration to re-assert those principles at the foot of the throne; to vindicate them from all possible misconception or misrepresentation; they approached by the ways of the constitution, without asserting a claim of their own, or presuming to dictate to the authority of parliament. "They desired a further repeal of the laws affecting them; they expressed gratitude for past favours, confiding in their liberality " and benevolence, that future favours would be as extensive as "the general welfare of the state should admit."

With such a testimony, he addressed them in favour of the Roman Catholics; with a declaration of that import in his hand, subscribed by an host, as to national authority; persons of high distinction, ancient family, great character, enlightened education, ample fortune, and extensive influence in the country; men of general intercourse and knowledge, political, professional, mercantile; men too, who, themselves and their ancestors had made ample sacrifices to a sanctimonious observance of their vows. Without affecting or entertaining any disrespect for any other orders or classes of the people, it seemed from such persons that national opinion and professional principles were best collected; not from a few deluded people in the south; not from a few dissatisfied people in the north; nor yet from any strange and incongruous connexion that might be fabricated between both: nay, by some wonderful rotation these two extremities should ever happen to meet; if by some monstrous convulsion, the two poles, far as they were asunder, should be brought into conjunction, they would not have force to disturb the happy and temperate re

if

gions placed between, where the people enjoyed equal days and indulgent heavens.

It was under such a conviction that he addressed them with confidence for a further repeal of the laws affecting the Roman Catholics, to that extent which their wisdom and liberality should lead them to think expedient. What that extent should be, was to him the only question that could divide the opinion of parliament on that subject.

As for himself, balanced between confidence in the Catholics, and devotion to ancient establishments, he had not found it easy to accommodate between the two contending propensities.

1st. He would give them the practice and profession of the law, as a reasonable provision, and application of their talents to their own country.

2dly. He would restore to them education, entire and unrestrained, because a state of ignorance was a state of barbarity. That would be accomplished by taking off the necessity for a license, as enjoined by the act of 1782.

3dly. He would draw closer the bonds of intercourse and affection, by allowing intermarriage, repealing that cruel statute that served to betray female credulity, and bastardize the children of a virtuous mother.

4thly. He would remove those obstructions to arts and manufactures, that limited the number of apprentices, which were so necessary to assist and promote trade. He then moved, "That, "leave be given to bring in a bill for removing certain restraints " and disabilities under which his majesty's Roman Catholic sub"jects labour, from statutes at present in force."

The right honourable Mr. Hobart seconded the motion, without making any observation.

Mr. Cuffe (now Lord Tyrawley) thought that gentlemen would do well to state their opinion of the conduct of the Catholics. Those, headed by a nobleman, who was distinguished for his liberality and extended property, who had signed the declaration alluded to by the right honourable baronet, deserved every kindness in the power of the legislature to bestow. They were good citizens, loyal subjects. They had told them they would be grateful for any indulgence; and that they would not pretend to point out the extent of the relief, which, in their wisdom, they might think proper to bestow. Surely, in those circumstances, they could not refuse them some indulgence. But there were Roman Catholics who had conducted themselves in a very different manner: they had established a court of delegates in the capital; and they had appointed local committees in the several counties: they had entered into associations with the discontented and the turbulent of all religions. And, relying upon their power, they pre

sumed to dictate to the legislature what they would have. That system seemed to have been adopted in order to terrify parlia

ment.

Several gentlemen spoke on the opposite side of the question; when at last, Mr. Hobart said, it was not his intention to debate the question. He should not have risen, were it not for the suggestion of Mr. Cuffe. He therefore declared, that if any attack should be made on the establishments in church and state, it was the fixed determination of government to support them; and any attempt of that nature, either by force or intimidation, would be found to meet the decided opposition of the government of both countries.

Leave was then given to bring in the bill, and a committee appointed to prepare the same, without a dissenting voice.

No sooner had this leave been given, than Mr. O'Hara suddenly rose, and said: he agreed with most of the gentlemen who had expressed their sentiments respecting the giving some further relief to the Roman Catholics, and very heartily concurred with the house in the leave given to bring in a bill for that purpose. But that in order to have the subject fully before the house, it might be wished that the house knew exactly the particulars in which the Roman Catholics desired relief: first, because parliament might otherwise unintentionally omit matter which might appear essentially necessary to the Catholics, however unimportant it might appear to parliament, and so fail of giving satisfaction; but more particularly because, if the relief desired by the Roman Catholics were ascertained, the house might then draw the line definitively, and say, "we will meet your wishes thus "far, but never can go further."

He said, he had thought in the year 1782, that every thing was then done which was necessary to relieve the conscience, or essential to the happiness of the Roman Catholics; and he was sure such was the intention of parliament; but the house then proceeded without knowing from the Roman Catholics what the particulars were, in which they desired relief. By which means the greater opening was left to desire further relief in the present instance. But if they then were in possession of a statement of their wishes made by themselves, they might easily draw the line by the new act of parliament so strongly, as to preclude any expectation of change, at least, for many years to come.

Those considerations (he said) had been strong inducements with him to listen to the desire of a very particular friend of his, to lay such a statement before the house. A friend who was not of the Roman Catholic persuasion; but one to whom he would not willingly refuse any thing he could ask, had desired him to present such a statement as a personal favour. Though he did

not know the petitioners, he knew the integrity of his friend, who told him they were altogether worth upwards of a million, which he mentioned to shew that they were considerable individuals, whose sentiments might be supposed to coincide with the greater part at least of the Roman Catholics.

However, though he presented the petition, he requested not to be considered as its particular patron; for he agreed to present it upon the terms only of reserving to himself the full liberty of discussing every part of it, and condemning or approving as he might think proper. If there were any thing exceptionable in the petition, it was not his; if more were desired by it than were reasonable or consistent with the establishments in church or state, he would decidedly vote against such parts.

Under these circumstances, he ventured to offer the petition to the house; and the rather, because to petition parliament was a matter of right in the subject; so much so, that a member could hardly refuse to present a petition if required by no improper description of men; but more particularly, because the petition brought information before the house, which might be useful in framing the bill; that the petitioners, after stating the particulars in which they hoped for relief, promised to acquiesce in whatever relief parliament might think proper to give them.*

The Solicitor-general said, the petition in its present state of abandonment, could be no object of notice: he therefore moved the question of adjournment. Mr. D. Brown was for receiving the petition. However, Mr. O'Hara withdrew the petition for the present, because he could not say he had seen the petitioners sign it: but that he should present it another day; and that he thought the house ought to be glad to know what relief was prayed, in order that it might give satisfaction so far as was consistent with their civil and religious establishments.

Mr. Grattan said, that he should be very sorry that any man should depart possessed with an idea that the house had refused to receive the Catholic petition, or committed an act so atrocious and unconstitutional; but an informality attending the manner of presenting it had induced the member himself to postpone the business to another day. He concurred with the mover of the bill in every thing he had said in favour of the Catholic body; it was therefore, that he could not agree with other gentlemen, who talked of their evil inclinations and seditious publications. He knew of none such that could be charged to the

Whilst Mr. Sheridan was observing that it was a very odd way of introducing a petition, to state that it came not from any particular body of men, but from an intimate acquaintance, Mr. Burke, the gentleman alluded to by Mr. O'Hara, having incautiously ventured into the body of the house behind the speaker's chair, to speak with Mr. O'Hara, there arose a general cry of into custody!" He however withdrew time enough to avoid it.

Roman Catholics; nor could he see how gentlemen could assert to a bill which supposed the merits of Catholics, and insinuations that bespoke the contrary: what you give (said he) to the Roman Catholics, give it liberally: what you refuse, refuse decently: whatever you do, do it with discretion: whatever you say, let it be the language of decency and good manners.

Mr. G. Ponsonby held it to be the undoubted right of the constituent to petition parliament in a legal and respectful manner, but only in that manner; on that subject he was remarkably attentive to rule and form, and objected on that account to the reception of the petition, as it contravened every one of the estab lished forms.

The 4th of February, 1792, was a day of importance to the Catholic cause the general committee anxious to act in full concert with Sir Hercules Langrishe, as he was well known to act with the privity and approbation of government, had a special meeting, at which they entered into some* unanimous resolutions,

* Dublin, February 4th, 1792.

"GENERAL COMMITTEE OF ROMAN CATHOLICS.
"EDWARD BYRNE, Esq. in the Chair.

"Resolved, That this committee has been informed, that reports have been"circulated, that the application of the Catholics for relief, extends to un"limited and total emancipation; and that attempts have been made, wickedly "and falsely, to instil into the minds of the Protestants of this kingdom an "opinion, that our applications were preferred in a tone of menace.

Resolved, That several Protestant gentlemen have expressed great satis"faction on being individually informed of the real extent and respectful man"ner of the applications for relief, have assured us, that nothing could have "excited jealousy, or apparent opposition to us, from our Protestant country"men, but the above-mentioned misapprehensions.

"Resolved, That we therefore deem it necessary to declare, that the whole "of our late applications, whether to his majesty's ministers, to men in power, "or to private members of the legislature: as well as our intended petition, "neither did, nor does contain any thing, or extend further, either in substance "or in principle, than the four following objects.

"1st. Admission to the profession and practice of the law.

"2d. Capacity to serve in county magistracies.

3d A right to be summoned, and to serve on grand and petty juries. "4th. The right of voting in counties only for Protestant members of parlia "ment; in such a manner, however, as that a Roman Catholic freeholder "should not vote, unless he either rented, and cultivated a farm of twenty "pounds per annum, in addition to his forty shillings freehold; or else pos"sessed a freehold to the amount of twenty pounds a year.

"Resolved, That in our opinion, these applications, not extending to any "other objects than the above, are moderate, and absolutely necessary for our "general alleviation, and more particularly for the protection of the Catholic "farmers and the peasantry of Ireland; and that they do not in any degree, endanger either church or state, or endanger the security of the Protestant interest.

"Resolved, That we never had an idea or thought so extravagant, as that "of menacing or intimidating our Protestant brethren, much less the legis "lature; and that we disclaim the violent and turbulent intentions imputed to "us in some of the public prints, and circulated in private conversation.