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Journed to the 13th of April, in order to allow time for the new arrangements.

The report of earl Fitzwilliam's intended removal was no sooner credited, than an universal despondency, in some instances bordering on desperation, seized the whole nation. Meetings were formed throughout the kingdom, in order to convey to their beloved and respected governor, their high sense of his virtue and patriotism, and their just indignation at his and their coun try's enemies. The deep and settled spirit of discontent which at this time pervaded all ranks of people, was not confined to the Catholics. The Dissenters and as many of the Protestants of the establishment, as had not an interest in that monopoly of power and influence, which earl Fitzwilliam had so openly attacked and so fearfully alarmed, felt the irresistible effect: all good Irishmen beheld with sorrow and indignation, the reconciliation of all parties, interests, and religions defeated, the cup of national union dashed from their eager lips, and the spirit of discord let loose upon the kingdom with an enlarged commissio to inflame, aggravate, and destroy. Such were the feelings, and such the language of those, who deplored the removal of that nobleman, in the critical moment of giving peace, strength, and prosperity to their country. And how large a part of the Irish nation lamented the loss of their truly patriotic governor, may be read in the numberless addresses and resolutions, that poured in upon him both before and after his actual departure, expressive of their grief, despair, and indignation at that ominous event. They came from every description of persons, but from Right Boys, Defenders, and the old dependants upon the castle. The Catholics of Dublin took the lead, and the most effectual means they could devise for preventing the removal of lord Fitzwilliam from his government:* they deputed three of their body to pre

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"rangement of duties, which promises also an increase of revenue, relieved "the brewery from all restriction of taxes, so as to give it a decided advan"tage over the distillery, and thereby discourage the too frequent or immo"derate use of spirituous liquors, a measure which must conduce to sobriety, "tranquillity and content, and under which the people, encouraged to regular "industry, and the consequent acquisition of wealth, must feel the blessings "of the happy constitution under which they live, and cherish and preserve it "from all change or innovation."

At a most numerous and respectable meeting of the Catholics of the city of Dublin, convened by public notice, at the chapel, Francis street, on Friday the 27th of February, 1795.

EDWARD BYRNE, in the chair.

The gentlemen who summoned this meeting, viz. Mr. Byrne, Mr. Hamill, Mr. M'Donnel, Dr Ryan, Dr M'Nevin, Mr. Keogh, Mr. Braughall, Mr. Sweetman, Mr. M'Cormick, having stated that a report was circulated, with great confidence, that the bill for the total emancipation of the Catholics of Ireland was, under the influence of the British cabinet, to be resisted in-par

sent a petition to the king at the levee, praying on behalf of their body, that his majesty would be graciously pleased to continue his excellency in the government of Ireland.

liament; and consequently that this country was soon to be deprived of our present valuable and most respected viceroy.

"Resolved unanimously, that the said gentlemen do forthwith frame an ad"dress to his majesty, expressive of our feelings in the present momentous "and alarming crisis."

And the said address having been accordingly prepared and read, paragraph by paragraph,

Resolved, with one dissentient to one paragraph only, that the said address "do stand as the address of the Catholics of Dublin.

"Resolved unanimously, that Edward Byrne, esq. John Keogh, esq. and "Baron Hussey, of Galtrim, be and are hereby requested to present the said "address to his majesty in person.

"Resolved unanimously, that the above gentlemen be directed to frame and "deliver proper instructions to our deputation, now appointed to present our "address to his majesty.

"Resolved unanimously, that it appears to this meeting, that his excellency "earl Fitzwilliam is about to depart from this country a singular and splendid "instance of a viceroy: sacrificing power and situation to the interest of Ire"land; in consequence as we apprehend, of a negative put upon his virtuous "attempts to reform inveterate abuses in the government; to call to his coun "cils men possessing the confidence of the nation, and to receive to the bosom "of the constitution a whole people.

"Resolved therefore, unanimously, that an address expressive of our esteem, "veneration, and affection for our present viceroy, and of our sincere anxiety "at the reports of his speedy departure, be forthwith_prepared."

And the same having been accordingly prepared and read, paragraph by pa"ragraph,

"Resolved unanimously, that the said address do stand as the address of the "Catholics of Dublin, and that it be presented to his excellency in the most "respectful manner.

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"Resolved unanimously, that the above gentlemen be, and are hereby in"trusted in our name, and on our behalf, to address the right honourable Henry Grattan, the mover of our bill, and the other noblemen and gentlemen, who engaged to second and support it, and to testify to them the grateful sense we entertain of their liberality, patriotism and justice.

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"Resolved unanimously, that the sincere thanks of this meeting be, and are "hereby presented to the inhabitants of Belfast, for their early, steady, and "uniform support of Catholic emancipation; a conduct which at once evinces "their love of liberty, their loyalty to their sovereign, and their attachment "to the principles of the constitution.

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"Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the Catholics of Dublin, being justly due, are hereby most respectfully offered to the gentlemen who sum"moned this meeting, for their very proper conduct and spirited exertions on "our behalf.

"Resolved unanimously, that a report of the state of the Catholics, from the passing of the late act in their favour, to this day be prepared, and that "the said report be laid before the Catholics of Dublin at their next meet"ing."

Mr. Byrne having left the chair, and Mr. Braughall having taken it, "Resolved unanimously, That our thanks are presented to Edward Byrne, esq. for his very proper and dignified conduct in the chair.

"By order of the meeting.

"RICHARD M'CORMICK, Sec'ry."

On the 5th of March, the duke of Leinster in the House of Lords rose, at a late hour, and after prefacing what he was about to propose, with a warm and affectionate eulogy upon the character of lord Fitzwilliam, moved the following resolution, "that "his excellency earl Fitzwilliam, since his arrival in this king“dom, has by his public conduct merited the thanks of this house, "and the confidence of the country." Lord Dillon opposed the motion: all he found, that his excellency had done since his ar rival, was to displace certain gentlemen from office, by which an expense of 2200% per annum had been imposed on the country. Earl Portarlington supported the resolution: spoke highly in commendation of the lord lieutenant, and asserted, that he had done more for the advantage of the country in some few weeks, than others had done in so many years. The marquis of Waterford, though he had always from his youth wished well to the Roman Catholics, thought they were more personally indebted to the beneficence of their sovereign than to his lieutenant, and was against the motion. Lord Dunsany supported and the bishop of Cloyne opposed the resolution. Lord Glentworth opposed the resolution, and launched out into a panegyric on the Westmoreland administration. Lord Donoughmore spoke the most at large and vehemently in support of the resolution. It was impossible that every one should not know, in how eminent a degree the noble earl possessed the confidence of the country. He referred to the addresses of affection and respect from without doors, which had been pouring in from every corner of the kingdom; all descriptions of persons, all political and all religious opinions blended in one unanimous expression of reliance upon his excellency's virtues, and the principles of his administration. He referred to the agreement of the Commons on every great question touching his excellency's government, their unanimous adoption of a similar resolution, and above all, to the extraor dinary magnitude of the supply, vast beyond precedent, and confided to his excellency with a confidence wholly unexampled. The bishop of Ossory warmly supported the resolution; he entered with great energy into the commendation of lord Fitzwilliam's virtues: he had come over to that kingdom with the purest views of correcting abuses and establishing permanent peace and harmony throughout the kingdom. He was followed in the same train by his brother of Killala. The chancellor said, he had high respect for lord Fitzwilliam, and was ready to compli ment his lordship in any terms becoming the dignity of that assembly: but the resolution brought so strongly to his mind the phraseology of the French convention; and if the noble mover of the resolution would not amend it, he would self propose an amendment: at which the duke of Leinster was so sore, that

he declared, seldom as he troubled their lordships on any occasion, if he were so unfortunate as to have his resolution rejected, he never would open his lips within those walls again. The chancellor finding that the duke persisted in his resolution, was about to propose an amendment, when the bishop of Ossory moved, that the words, the confidence and thanks of this house, should be substituted for the words the thanks of this house and confidence of the nation; with which amendment the resolution passed. There was evident propriety in this amendment: for the confidence of the lords was all that was wanting to complete the full expression of the confidence of the whole disinterested and independent part of the people, after the unanimous vote of their representatives in the commons, and the unequivocal approbation of all classes out of parliament.

This period of Irish history has been particularly marked with misrepresentation and obloquy.* That it led to fatal events, is notoriously true. Inasmuch, however, as the most opposite effects have been generally attributed to the same causes by the opposite parties in Ireland, and even in Great Britain, historical justice requires an undisguised statement of the facts. The annexation of causes and effects will rest with the impartial reader.

The ferment in the country was greatly increased by the ru mours that were then afloat concerning these extraordinary movements in the cabinets of both kingdoms. No sooner had the original plan of Irish reform been projected and agreed upon by the Portland part of the British cabinet, than Mr. Beresford, who well knew that his political power would be put down, applied to a higher power in order to support himself against the attack whenever it should be made. In the preceding autumn he had flown to England on the first rumour of lord Fitzwilliam's appointment, and had followed his majesty to Weymouth, where he had been honoured with a private audience, in which he is reported to have represented in the most lively colours his uniform attachment to every administration during a period of twentyfive years, his decided hatred to reforms of government of every kind, and the repeated assurances of protection which he had invariably received from that party, which had long been known by the title of the king's friends. Surer protection he could not

Lord Clare observed, (speech on union, p. 72) "I state with perfect "confidence, that the seditious and treasonable conspiracies which have "brought this country to the verge of ruin, are the natural offspring of the "adjustment of 1782: the convulsion in 1789 gave birth to the Whig institu "tion: the rebel confederacy of the Irish union was an improvement upon it; "and we now see the reliques of the Whig institution in the mask of liberty, "inculcating the rinciples, and adopting the means originally devised by the "rebel confederacy of the Irish union, to abolish the religion, and subvert the monarchy of Ireland.

have received. By command from the highest authority he attended a council, in which the restoration of himself and friends was unanimously voted: and he received a letter in Mr. Pitt's own hand writing, directing him to return to Ireland immedi ately and resume his situation at the revenue board; and to assure his friends, the attorney and solicitor general, that the king would not accept of their resignations: and at the same time orders were dispatched to the lord lieutenant of a similar tendency, from the office of his friend the duke of Portland. With the knowledge of these facts, the Catholics sent over the three gentlemen already mentioned, hoping, that as their former refuge to the royal patronage had defeated the combined power of the Irish government and parliament, this second application would at least counteract the private efforts of one or more individuals actually in opposition to his majesty's government. They little knew the vast powers of the internal wheels of the cabinet. By them earl Fitzwilliam's administration, supported as it was by the native independence of all Ireland, was overset with the same facility, with which an exciseman would have been displaced. The nation felt indignant at what they considered an insult and humiliation to the Irish government. The body of Catholics, who had been buoyed up with the hopes of reaping the first fruits of the happy principles of the new administration in their own emancipation, followed a policy perhaps more honourable than prudent, of making the most open and unequivocal profes sions of the motives, views, and principles, which actuated them in their efforts to attain the full participation of the constitutional liberties of their regenerated country. On the 27th of February, 1795, the Catholics of Dublin, at a meeting in Francis-street, appointed two gentlemen of their body to present an address to Mr. Grattan, which fully spoke their feelings and sentiments of the then political posture of affairs: to which they received an immediate answer,* which has been more censured by the ene

• As there will be future occasion to refer to this address and answer, they are now submitted to the view of the reader:

"To the right hon. HENRY GRATTAN,

SIR, "WE are instructed by the Catholics of Dublin to offer you their "humble tribute of thanks and gratitude, as well for the eminent services "which you have rendered to this kingdom on various occasions, as for your "able and generous exertions in their cause. It is not easy to do justice to "the merits of a man, whose name is connected with the most brilliant events "of his time, and who has already obtained the highest of all titles, the de"liverer of his country: but though it is impossible to add to your fame, by "any terms we can employ, it must be grateful to you to learn, that you have "a place, not only in the administration, but in the affections of your country

men.

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