sugar, it must cause great depreciation in this article.

After this comprehensive examination, it may be unequivocally declared, that the measure is made up of evils; and that those apparently redeeming points, relative to the bounty and to the obligation of exporting manufactured produce equivalent to the quantity of foreign sugar entered for refining, which attracted the favourable attention of many West India planters and merchants some time back, when the subject was imperfectly understood, are entirely delusive. We should ruin our own planters; we attempt to extend the trade of the refiners, which is not capable of extension, unless we retrace errors of the past, and frame new commercial treaties with our neighbours; and we should pay out of the national coffers a large sum of money which would not benefit any parties concerned, but which would go entirely into foreign treasuries.

When the refiners perceive that they are under great delusion in respect to the extent of the benefits which they expect from the measure, it is natural to conclude that their efforts against the colonial interests will abate. They have represented that, at times, there is not a sufficient quantity of British plantation sugar in the market to enable them to conduct their business. This

representation is erroneous. At any given time during the year, they have more latitude in purchasing different sorts and qualities than exists in

Hamburgh.

Sometimes they may not find that description of strong Jamaica or St. Vincent sugar, which gives them greater advantages in the process of refining than prevails abroad; but could this, properly speaking, be termed deficiency? In every case, it is a question of price, not of quality. When the refiner discovers that the ordinary descriptions of muscovado will not refine at that advantage to enable him profitably to export, he should blame the lowness of prices abroad, not the want of means of conducting his business.

Sometimes a different line of advocacy is employed. It is contended, that the refiners have a right to the export trade free and unrestricted; that to them it is merely a measure of common justice to permit them to carry on a trade which is meant not to interfere with domestic consumption, and which is so much additional industry obtained to the nation. It is difficult to understand the exact application of this argument. Do we, at any time, by the term right, mean more than the liberty given to every individual in the social compact to pursue at pleasure his own calling, provided that it do not militate against the general weal? To ensure this conventional and harmonious union amongst all subjects of the empire, individual views must occasionally subserve; the various descriptions of national industry must proceed in their proper gradation according to their relative importance; the more extensive must take

precedence of the trivial; the fixed and permanent enjoy superior consideration to the transient and auxiliary. An advocate for particular or detached interests will never merit attention beyond the fleeting contention of the hour, unless his argument is grounded on considerations for the general benefit. If, therefore, the refiners are determined to be at issue with parties in whose prosperity they have participated, whose adversity they ought equally to commiserate, it is obligatory on them to show that the refining trade, in which a few hundred thousand pounds are employed, is of more importance than the colonies in which one hundred millions are invested. Did not the colonists conceive it their bounden duty to yield implicit obedience to that commercial code which elicits, or, at all events, is designed to elicit national production in its most approved form, it would be easy to show that the refiners enjoy more privileges at the colonists' expense than those to which they are fairly entitled. The refiners have at present the entire of the refining trade for the home market. Have they any natural right to this exclusive branch of business? None whatever. It should be conducted in the colonies; it is part of the process of making sugar fit for use, which legitimately should belong to the West Indians. It would, indeed, be desirable if some declaration were made by the legislature, to set cavil at rest, and to indicate to all parties concerned their rela

tive importance in the consideration of the means of extending colonial commerce. First should come the British public; secondly, the colonists; and lastly, those branches of business which are auxiliary, and which have been classed under the head of" carrying trade."

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CHAPTER VIII.

APPLICATION OF THE PRECEDING VIEWS TO AN EQUITABLE AND COMPREHENSIVE SYSTEM OF COLONIAL POLICY.

THE following points, it is conceived, have been established in this inquiry.

That colonies are eminently beneficial, and contribute to the prosperity and maritime strength of this kingdom.

That of late years the British West India colonies have declined, while those of neighbouring nations have flourished.

That the British colonies have declined from causes unforeseen, unprecedented and unnatural, while foreign colonies have flourished by improper means, and not by legitimate industry; and that in consequence of loss thus operating absolutely and relatively, the general commerce of the empire has been greatly injured.

Therefore, what is required at the existing moment is a comprehensive measure of a 'twofold character-First, such as will restore confidence and give effectual assistance to the colonies.Secondly, such as will tend to check the foreign slave-trade.

The first object may be accomplished by a