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The only difference between Paul and James, beyond a mere difference in statement, lies in this. Paul would say, “faith necessarily gives birth to works of love, but all that scem to us works of love do not of necessity presuppose faith.” James would say, “faith necessarily gives birth to works of love, and works of love do of necessity presuppose faith.” Both maintain that a man is accepted according to what he is, not according to what he does; but James holds, that what a man does is a fair index of what he is.

In their general reasoning, Paul is contending for the living cause, the devoted heart, in contrast with a bald, outward observance of rules and proprieties. James is contending for the effects, the deeds of mercy, the necessary results of a living cause, in contrast with a barren belief which took the name of faith without any of its reality. To these two points of view the writers were led partly by difference in temperament and outward circumstances, and partly by the different development of their Christian life. James was not reasoning against the misunderstanding or the abuse of Paul's doctrine, much less against the doctrine itself. He was fixing the mark of infidelity upon the practical heathenism and shallow belief of his generation.

Christ, Paul, James, — the divinely commissioned Bearer, the profound theologian, the practical moralist, of Christianity. Christ teaches the free, spontaneous growth of the Christian life, inward and outward, from the inward to the outward, as effect and cause imply each other. Paul teaches the supreme worth of the inward cause, without which there can be no effect. James teaches the absolute necessity of the effect, without which there can be no cause. Each of these Apostles analyzes one side of the doctrine more particularly, while both find their centre and full meaning in Christ. And once again we hear the simple, grand formula of Jesus, – “Blessed are the pure in heart; for they shall see God."

Justification by faith, — the great Christian doctrine of religious progress and spiritual liberty, - it tells us that through the coil and fret of life the soul can see its God, can approach him by high resolve and steady endeavor. And yet, this doctrine, which lies at the very foundation of our religion, has been misapprehended and cried down by all prominent parties among Christians, in every age. The

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Romanist, by making faith supernatural and subordinate to charity, which was also a supernatural quality, by defining it as mere assent to God's truth, destroyed its vitality; made that which is free from all restraint of men a mere appendage to his own ritual service; buried it under the shrine of the Virgin. The great reformer, employing a word which he did not define, and wrapping his doctrine in the dark metaphysics of Augustine, preached a “justification by faith," which, powerful as it was against Romanism when it rolled out from the impetuous heart of Luther, became barren and inconsistent in the formulas of his disciples. And now, a few men in the mother-land and in New England, but lately contending with their foes for an existence, and even at this moment contending among themselves for a title, men just peering out of their strong-hold to measure the field around them, constitute the only body in Christendom that understands and preaches this doctrine of Christ. God grant, that this body, welded together in the faith and love of that Christ, may carry abroad his doctrine of life, with kindly and patient hearts, with frank and fearless spirits; never faltering before wrong, never cringing before arrogance, until the spirit of Jesus the Redeemer shall have regenerated mankind. 0. B. F.

ART. XI. — YOUNG'S CHRONICLES.*

We think Mr. Young has done a good work, for which he is well fitted by his taste and acquirements, in presenting to the lovers of our early history this collection of documents, penned originally by those who drew the furrows and scattered the seed of our noble Commonwealth here in the wilderness. The book throughout affords ample proof of the hearty love of his subject, which prompted the editor to his task; as the notes give evidence of the learning, with which he has illustrated the several topics which are included in the range of his plan.

Chronicles of the first Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, from 1623 to 1636. Now first collected from original records and contemporaneous manuscripts, and illustrated with Notes. By ALEXANDER Young. Boston: Little & Brown. 1846. Evo. pp. 571.

The volume, which bears on its front a good engraving from Vandyke's portrait of Governor Winthrop, with a countenance and garb indicating gentle breeding, consists of twenty-four different documents, which Mr. Young has chosen to arrange as so many chapters in his book. Our taste, we confess, does not readily approve this method. It is affecting a unity which does not in fact exist.

The volume commences with a chapter extracted from “ The Planter's Plea," and a chapter from Hubbard's History. The Planter's Plea was printed in London in 1630, and has generally been ascribed to Rev. John White of Dorchester, commonly called in his day Patriarch White; giving “a manifestation of the causes moving such as have lately undertaken a Plantation in N. England.” The object kept in view by the author, or authors, of the narration, (for the opening sentence in the work would lead one to conclude that it was either the joint production of various hands, or else that it was put together by some one in behalf of several,) is to lay a “faithful and unpartial narration of the first occasions, beginning, and progress of the whole work, before the eyes of all that desire to receive satisfaction, by such as have been privy to the very first conceiving and contriving of this project of planting this colony.” It is evident, from this contemporaneous account of the inception of the Massachusetts settlement, that several attempts had previously been made to colonize this part of the North American coast, all of which had failed. Springing from views of interest, to facilitate trade, these attempts came quickly to nought. It was not appointed in Providence to the “ western merchants ” of England, who had in their eye nothing more than “a trade of fishing for cod and bartering for furs in these parts,” – it was not appointed to them to colonize New England. They were competent, with such views, to dig bait, and pilot their craft across the the ocean, and throw the line for cod; they might have nerve enough to let their vessel return without them, and to see the door shut against their egress from the wilderness, if their sojourn here were to be only for one year or for a single season. But this was not the stuff that Commonwealths are made of. There would have been no New England, if it had rested with codfish and Bristol traders.

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Nothing but a far-seeing, profound Christian faith could . furnish sufficient foundation for such an enterprise and achievement. To have turned their backs for life upon “ dear England” – “the lady of the sea,” as old Camden, the learned, pleasantly styles her— was no easy matter for men and women that had inhaled her wholesome air, and tilled her garden-soil, and had sweet homes nestling in her green nooks. With what hooks of steel would a natural and commendable pride of country fasten their hearts to their native land! Its very stones were diamonds in their eyes. Its deeds and achievements were most famous. They could all understand the feeling, with which a contemporary writer, in an ecstacy of national pride, exclaims, “Good Lord, how spaciously might a learned pen walk in this argument!”

Chapter third in Mr. Young's work consists of the “Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England.” This will probably be looked upon, and with reason, as the most valuable document in the volume. The records are " now for the first time printed from the original manuscript in the archives of the Commonwealth.”

From chapter fourth to chapter tenth inclusive, we have a series of documents which are intimately connected with the Records of the Company just remarked upon, and therefore rightly placed by the editor. They are Cradock's Letter to Endicott; The Company's First and Second Letters of Instructions to Endicott; The Form of Government for the Colony; The Allotment of the Lands; The Oaths of Office for the Governor and Council; and the Company's Agreement with the Ministers.

It is a curious feature in the Instructions to Endicott, that the Company forbid the culture of tobacco, devil's weed, as the loyal subjects of King James regarded it, and as it in reality is. “We especially desire you to take care that no tobacco be planted by any of the new planters under your government, unless it be some small quantity for mere necessity, and for physic, for preservation of their healths; and that the same be taken privately by ancient men, and none others." If only those should make use of tobacco, who could plead “mere necessity," or the “preservation of their healths," the company of those, of the

masculine and feminine gender, who puff

, snuff, chew and spit, would be very perceptibly diminished.

In their Instructions, the Company show themselves disposed to treat the “Old Planters,” so called, with great fairness and generosity. But little is known with certainty respecting these “Old Planters.” Mr. Young remarks in a note, “ The Planters in Massachusetts Bay at this time were Mr. Blackstone at Shawmut (Boston); Thomas Walford at Mishawum (Charlestown); Samuel Maverick at Noddle's Island (East Boston); and David Thompson at Thompson's Island near Dorchester. How or when they came there, is not known.”

With regard to Thompson, it is known when he came to this island, as will appear in the following extract, which we had occasion some years since to copy from the Colony Records in the State archives :

“10th 3d month 16-18. — Forasmuch as it appears to this court upon the petition of Mr. John Thomson, son and heir of David Thomson deceased, that the said David in or about the year 1626, did take actual possession of an Island in the Massachusetts Bay, called Thomson's Island, and being then vacuum domicilium, and before the Patent granted to us of the Massachusetts Bay, and did erect there the form of an habitation, and dying soon after, leaving the petitioner an infant, who so soon as he came to age, did make his claim formerly and now again, by his said petition. This Court, considering the premises, and not willing to deprive any of their lawful right, and possession, or to permit any prejudice to come to the petitioner in the time of his nonage, do hereby grant the said Island, called Thomson's Island, to the said John Thomson and his heirs forever, to belong to this jurisdiction, and to be under the government and laws thereof."

Chapters eleventh and twelfth consist of Higginson's Journal of his Voyage to New England, and Higginson's “ New England's Plantation.” Of the last mentioned of these works three editions appeared in the course of a single year. Higginson was one of those whom Dudley charges with dealing in “ too large commendations of the country and the commodities thereof.”

« Honest men, who, out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote somewhat hyperbolically of many things here.” He does bepraise everything. Even the climate is perfect in his estimation. « For here is an extraordinary clear and dry

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