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to take place; namely, that of a fourth baron of the exchequer in Scotland? He saw, with regret, that no respect whatever had been paid to the suggestion of the committee, relative to the diminution of judicial expenses, nor any one earthly measure adopted in favour of the public as regarded the decrease of its burthens. He asked, therefore, whether such was the intention of ministers in the event of a vacancy?

The Lord Advocate replied, that the appointment had already taken place several weeks ago.

Lord A. Hamilton, after this information, should feel it his duty to bring the subject before the House; but at present he was not prepared to say whether he should do so by moving for a copy of the appointment, or for a vote of censure upon the adviser of such an appointment.

The Lord Advocate had no doubt but that he should be able to satisfy the House of the propriety of any measure of this sort which had been adopted, whenever the period arrived for its discussion. Sir John Newport was exceedingly anxious that his noble friend should bring this motion under discussion, either by moving for a copy of the appointment, or by any other mode of proceeding which he might think proper. He greatly lamented that not one step had yet been taken to realize the suggestions of many of the most intelligent members of that committee.

Mr. Brougham was not at all surprised that the judges of the jury-court, as parties in the case, should have recommended the addition; and he grieved that an hon. and learned friend of his was at that time a member of that very court. He pledged himself, however, to prove, that a grosser job, a more palpable job, or one more outrageous to the feelings of a burthened public, had never been transacted, even in Scotland.

Lord A. Hamilton then gave notice, that he should move for a copy of the appointment on the 11th of May.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, May 2.

STEAM ENGINES AND FURNACES.] Mr. M. A. Taylor said, it was in the recollection of many members, that during the session preceding the last, he had moved for a committee to inquire into the practicability of erecting steam engines and furnaces in such a manner as to relieve the places in which they were erected from the intolerable nuisance which their intense smoke had so generally produced to the health and comfort of the population of large cities and towns. That committee had been granted to him, and their report was in the possession of the House. If gentlemen would take the trouble of attending to its suggestions, they would find substantial reasons to be satisfied that such a very desirable improvement could be both easily and promptly effected. From the manner in which these furnaces were erected, and increased as they were in number, London, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and other extensive cities and towns, were almost become uninha bitable [a laugh]. Gentlemen might laugh at the term, but he contended it was strictly true, as the persons engaged in business in these towns were actually compelled to guard the health of their fa

Mr. Brougham wished to ask the learned lord one question about the filling up of an appointment. The learned lord had once in his place remarked, that some officers of the jury-courts of Scotland being thought necessary, their appointments could not be filled up until parliament met. In consequence, however, of their having discovered a very gross transaction, which he would not characterize in the language that it deserved, it appeared otherwise. Had an additional number of judges of the jury-courts been really ap-milies from the deleterious effects of the pointed? For the transaction he spoke of was really one of the most outrageous and gross jobs that ever had been done.

The Lord Advocate was not cognizant of the particular transaction to which the learned gentleman alluded; but it was in consequence of express representations that the business of the judges of the jury. courts had so much increased, that their office could not be carried on without an addition to their number that that addition had been made.

VOL. I.

ebullitions of smoke issuing from those furnaces, by removing to hired houses at a distance from the place of their avocations. The whole of these dense ebullitions of smoke, which made the air of large places so unhealthy, and propagated fever and disease, principally arose from the furnaces as they were at present constructed. That such an evil could be corrected, and corrected without injury to the persons engaged in business connected with these steam engines, he was cer E

tended the courts at St. James's must have often found it difficult almost to recognize their friends through the dense atmosphere occasioned by the great brewery at Pimlico. The same, or nearly the same, might be said of the Cannonbrewery, in the vicinity of Hyde-park. He could refer to his hon. and learned friend near him for his authority, as he accompanied him when he visited Mr. Parkes's manufactory at Warwick. At present, his intention was to move for a select committee to inquire into the practicability, and if their report, as he had no doubt it would be, was favourable, it would be his next step to propose a declaratory law, making the present construction a nuisance, and, of course, subject to the same legal prosecutions as other nuisances. He concluded with moving, "That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire how far it may be practicable to compel persons using Steam Engines and Furnaces in their different works to erect them in a manner less prejudicial to public health and public comfort, and to report their observations thereupon to the House."

tain he could convince both the House and the country. He had only to refer to the manufactory of Mr. Parkes at Warwick, where the experiment had been made most successfully. He had himself gone to Warwick for the purpose of seeing it, and the result had more than satisfied his most sanguine expectations. In that manufactory there were three furnaces, all of which were constructed so as to consume their own smoke, and he could add that these furnaces were constructed at as small an expense as those generally in use, and that they were worked with a less consumption of fuel by one-fourth. If, on entering Mr. Parkes's establishment any gentleman was asked to point out the position of the great furnaces, he would be at a loss to discover them, so efficiently had the experiment been carried into practice. There was not more smoke from these furnaces than from a common chimney. In order to be fully satisfied, he himself, at his visit, endeavoured to create a smoke, but was unable. Within ten yards of the manufactory was a bleaching ground, and an extensive gar. den; and he need not add, that neither bleaching nor planting could succeed in the vicinity of the ordinary furnaces. The garden and conservatory of Mr. Parkes were also uninjured; in short, he would defy any gentleman to go to the place as he had done, and not to return with a conviction that there was ample ground for the present motion. At a distillery within about a mile of that House, beyond the penitentiary, the smoke was nearly, but not entirely, consumed; and the owner had readily shown the mode in which the effect was accomplished. If it should be discovered, as he had no doubt it would be, that the remedy was generally applicable, every man would be glad that some compulsory law should be adopted for the preservation of the health and comfort of the metropolis. So fully satisfied was he upon the subject, that he would never cease until the object were accomplished, and he trusted that others would be stimulated by his example. He Sir C. Mordaunt had also seen the mawould appeal to the hon. members repre-nufactory of Mr. Parkes, and had admired senting that part of the country, as to the the ingenious and at the same time effecstate of the atmosphere in Manchester, tual method in which the desirable object Liverpool, and Birmingham. From the was accomplished. It would, he was saSpeaker's house the ebullitions of smoke tisfied, be generally adopted as soon as it were constantly discernible: in Bridge- was generally known. street, Blackfriars, small furnaces were erecting, to the great annoyance of the inhabitants, and gentlemen who had at

He

Mr. Denman seconded the motion, and bore his fullest testimony to the facts stated by his hon. friend, as to Mr. Parkes's manufactory at Warwick. He had seen three furnaces at work, and not the slightest appearance of smoke. had no doubt that the public knowledge of the thing would of itself be sufficient to introduce the improvement into general practice, without the necessity of recourse to a declaratory law. He paid a high compliment to Mr. Parkes, for the merit of this important invention, which was remarkable for its simplicity. Of its successful result the public would soon have an opportunity of judging, by means of its introduction into the brewery of Messrs. Barclay and Co., and into other establishments in the metropolis. The country, he said, was much indebted to his hon. friend for bringing such questions before the legislature.

Mr. Mills, from his own personal observation, confirmed all that had been said in favour of the invention of Mr.

53]
Cato Street Conspiracy-George Edwards.
Parkes. He was persuaded that it would
be most advantageous to the country at
large.
The motion was then agreed to.

STAGE COACH DRIVERS.] Mr. M.
A. Taylor said, that the subject to which
he had now to draw the attention of the
House was one of serious importance.
The House was no doubt aware, that, ex-
cepting in cases where death ensued, un-
der the present law, a stage-coachman
who drove furiously, to the imminent
hazard of life and limb, could scarcely be
punished at all; where a coach was over.
turned, and the passengers were so in-
jured that death was the ultimate conse-
quence, the punishment upon the pro-
prietors was only a fine of 10., which
might be mitigated to half the amount.
Whatever might be done to improve the
forms of stage-coaches, nothing could be
effectual in diminishing the prevailing evil
until the law applied more severely to the
driver. By the measure he intended to
propose, he did not mean at all to invade
the common-law right of a passenger, who
had received a personal injury, to proceed
by action against the proprietors, but
merely to inflict corporal punishment
upon the drivers, in cases of wilful and
culpable negligence or misconduct; in
short, that a driver might be indicted as
for a misdemeanor, and punished by fine
He moved for leave
and imprisonment.
to bring in a bill "for punishing crimi-
nally, Drivers of Stage Coaches and Car-
riages, for accidents occasioned by their
negligence or misconduct."-Leave given.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS BILL.] Lord Althorp moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the Insolvent Debtors act. In the present stage he should only advert to two leading distinctions from the present bill which he intended to introduce; the first was, to empower commissioners out of court to inquire into the affairs of the debtor: and the second was, to grant creditors the power of compelling reluctant debtors, when imprisoned, to be released by the act.

Mr. Lockhart wished that the subject should be treated upon as extended a basis as possible, and that provision should be made against a class of prisoners who had formerly taken the benefit of the act, though it was not intended for their relief; he meant those who were confined in consequence of actions for damages, having

He could not inflicted upon their fellow-creatures severe personal injuries. help observing that, as the case stood at and expresent, persons were brought up amined in a very slight degree only by the court; and if no one appeared against them, they were discharged. It frequently happened that, by this course of proceeding, many were discharged who were little deserving of the benefit of the act. The creditors found that they had lost a great deal of money already; and were unwilling, by appearing, to lose more, besides the sacrifice of much trouble and time. In making these observations, however, he did not mean to advert to the situation of those debtors who now crowded our prisons, and who had been led to expect relief under the enactments of such a bill as that passed during last session. He was very willing that they should take their discharge under it, in the best way they could.

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

CATO STREET CONSPIRACY-GEORGE EDWARDS.] Mr. Alderman Wood said, that the question which he now thought it his duty to bring under the consideration of the House was one of the greatest importance, and particularly to the House itself. He might be wrong in the course which he had proposed to himself to pursue; but if he was, the Speaker would no doubt instruct him what was the proper mode of bringing the matter forward. He repeated that he considered it as one in which the House was most deeply concerned. He had come to the determination of treating it as a breach of privilege; and would here very briefly state what Seven persons bad rewere the facts. cently applied to him, in his official capacity of magistrate, for a warrant to take up a man stated to be then resident in Fleet-street, whose name was said to be George Edwards. He immediately went into a private examination of those individuals, with the assistance of a most able and worthy brother magistrate (sir W. Domville). Four of the parties deposed to some very material facts, some of which, affecting the safety of that House, he should now mention; but others, which were detailed at great length, were of too horrible a description for him to repeat. They involved a plot, not merely to effect the destruction of that House, and the hon. members within it, but of one of the highest personages in this kingdom, and

of his majesty's ministers also. He would, however, confine himself to the facts of the case as they regarded that House. He would read the words of the deposition. They were to this effect:-"Some time in the year 1819, deponent saw a man of the name of Edwards going from one public-house to another, inviting persons to unite with him in the execution of the plots against the government which he intended to bring forward." It then went on to state, that one of his great plots was this:-He said, "that he could bring into the House of Commons six or eight men very readily, and that it was not necessary that they should come in clean." By that expression, he meant that they might easily enter the House with something under their arms; for they could so come into the lobby and other parts of the House with books; no objection would be offered to their passing on with books under their arms. These books were to have been filled with gun barrels, cut down to the length of four inches only, which were to be filled with gunpowder, and plugged up at both ends; and these implements being thrown down in the middle of the House, upon some occasion of a full attendance, when it would be in a very crowded state, would explode with great violence, and cause much destruction. The deposition went on to show, that Edwards on one occasion said, "Thistlewood is the boy for us; he's the one to do our work: he will very soon be out of Horsham-gaol." Now the evidence next showed, that two days after, Thistlewood did come out of Horshamgaol, and he was introduced to this Edwards at the house of Preston the cobler. And that which was the strongest confirmation of the whole statement, and in his mind proved it beyond all doubt, was, that Edwards did get those very books made for the purpose; that he procured the gun-barrels, and had them cut up. At that time, too, he was supplied with money all of a sudden, although, just before, he had not enough to buy a pot of beer, and was compelled to lie upon straw. All at once, however, he got supplied with cash, and was enabled to purchase several other weapons of defence, and arms, which the deponents spoke of. Now this was the general substance of the depositions as they regarded that House: as to the other parts, which related to the intended taking off of certain individuals, he had hardly satisfied himself what might

be the best mode of proceeding; or whether, from the nature of the case, he might be justified in asking the House to indulge him with a committee of secrecy, in which case it would not be necessary for him to proceed with his present observations. The other details, however, which he did not at present feel it his duty to bring before the House, were of a most terrible description, and unfolded plots of the most dreadful character. The persons who had made the depositions were respectable persons, and not at all implicated in the late legal proceedings, as having been evidence either for the crown or for the prisoners. He had had several other persons with him that same morning, who were all ready to swear that they knew Edwards to have been engaged in these plots, from time to time. He had been asked by several individuals, how he intended to proceed in this case; and he could now declare, that his mind was made up to call Edwards before the bar of the House. Whether, however, he should ask for a committee of secrecy, or proceed in any other way, he was ready to bring this important business before them, and he thought that he discharged his duty in so doing. He had not thought it proper to swear those deponents to the truth of their allegations, because all the acts charged against Edwards were stated to have occurred either in the county of Middlesex or the city of Westminster. As he never interfered in such a case he told the parties that they must go before a magistrate either of Westminster or of the county; or else that they must apply for a warrant to lord Sidmouth. He directed them to go to his lordship; and promised that, upon procuring the warrant, he would get it immediately backed, so as to make it operative within the city of London. He thought the thing a matter of such importance, that he took the depositions in charge, himself; and ordered the witnesses to attend him at lord Sidmouth's immediately. When he arrived at the office, it so happened that his lordship was not there, having left the place only a few minutes before. He left the depositions with a gentleman whom he had now in his eye, and had received an answer; but he did not think proper now to give it. The existence of such a man as this Edwards it was almost impossible to conceive; it was difficult to imagine a man, going about with all this boldness, from public-house to public-bouse, nay,

, 1820

Alderman Wood said, he certainly set out with intimating that he saw great difficulties in this question; and from his inexperience in that House it was naturally to be expected that he should feel that uncertainty, in a case of this kind, which those of greater parliamentary knowledge would not experience. He was, indeed, quite happy to hear the right hon. gentleman observe, that if the business were brought before the House properly, the House would properly He thought it right to entertain it.

. even from one private house to another, framing and discoursing of all these plots. For his own part, however, when he looked at all the facts, he thought it clear, that Edwards had become connected with the Cato-street conspirators at a very early period of their meeting together; and he pledged himself, that if the House should think proper to adopt any question upon the subject, he would bring forward such evidence as must convict the man. It was only to be apprehended that he was not, perhaps, in the country, which he might have quitted by this time; other-state that he had applied to another wise, no doubt, there were hon. gentlemen quarter, to get the individual in question who were in possession of him, so that he prosecuted, but in that application he had might be produced. He, therefore, felt it been disappointed [Hear, hear!]. He his duty, under all the circumstances, to had already stated, that he did not think move, "That George Edwards do forth- proper to read the answer which he had received when he had felt it his duty to with attend at the bar of this House." carry the evidence which had been submitted to him, to the office of the home department. He was certainly not satisfied with that determination. Several of the deponents were persons not at all implicated in the late transactions; and their evidence was, in his opinion, fully sufficient to convict the person in question. Still, however, he had been told in another quarter, that it was not so, although the depositions contained matter, which, of course, he had not communicated to the House, but which would make them shudder if they heard it. The impression on his mind certainly was, that the accused person should be taken up. He took it for granted that the gentlemen opposite knew where that person was to be found, and that he could not escape. Having him in their possession-having it in their power to bring him forward, he thought they ought immediately to do so. Edwards was charged with being the sole promoter of the treasonable conspiracy which had been formed. It was declared to be his practice to lay hold of all the desperate characters whom he could find, and to bring them into his diabolical practices. He thought he could safely pledge himself to prove by indisputable evidence that Edwards was the sole plotter and founder of the Cato-street conspiracy. He had discharged his duty by bringing the subject under the consideration of the House. After what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, he should certainly be disposed to withdraw his motion, although he was not prepared to propose any other course of proceeding.

Mr. Bathurst observed, that the only question for the House to determine was, whether that which had been stated by the worthy alderman called upon them to take up the matter as a breach of privilege. The motion did not require any other reference to the circumstances which had been described by the worthy alderman than this-could those circumstances be construed into a breach of privilege? Now really he besought the House to consider what sort of precedent they would establish, if they acquiesced in the worthy alderman's motion. Here was a man, who, according to the worthy alderman, was an accomplice, or rather a principal, in the conspiracy for which several unfortunate persons had lately forfeited their lives. According to the worthy alderman, that man was deeply implicated in the crime for which those persons had suffered; and if the motion was agreed to, he would be called to the bar to be examined a charge of having committed a breach of privilege, when, if the allegations of the worthy alderman were borne out by the fact, he would be found to have committed an overt act of treaIf any other course could be adopted in which the case might be fairly investigated, he would concur in it; but if the worthy alderman really believed that the individual in question had projected the attempt against that House which had been described, he would recommend the worthy alderman to withdraw a motion for calling that individual to the bar, in the supposition that he would there charge himself with such an offence.

on

son.

Mr. Hume, as he understood from the

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