hon. gentleman was always ready with a joke. His jokes, however, were sometimes like a knife without a handle, which in wielding cut the hand of the user; for in this instance his joke was against himself. If there was a man in the House who did not heartily rejoice in the frus. tration of the Cato-street plot, he should be named, that he might be regarded as infamous: and if he were out of the House he should be indicated as a mark to be shunned by the world. The conduct of the worthy alderman as to the motive of his visit to Thistlewood was perfectly defensible, that motive being to obtain some clue to further information with respect to Edwards, and upon a subject which the worthy alderman was, as a magistrate bound to investigate. This, he (Mr. B.) thought a fair object of inquiry, and a laudable motive for visiting Thistlewood, although the right hon. member for Liverpool could not, it seemed, be persuaded to visit Thistlewood on such an occasion for any other purpose than that of administering the consolations of religion, which by the way was an office for which the right hon. gentleman did not appear very well suited by his taste, or qualified by his capacity. He repeated his recommendation to the worthy alderman to withdraw his motion for the present, not with a view to abandon proceedings against Edwards, but, on the contrary, in order to take the case into a court of justice, and if a noli prosequi should be entered, to prevent the prosecution, or any other attempt should be made to screen the individual in question from justice, and the worthy alderman should again think it necessary to bring the matter under the, consideration of that House, he (Mr. B.) pledged himself that at least he would not recommend the motion to be again withdrawn.

The Attorney General, in explanation, stated, that in saying the late conspirators were supplied with money from other quarters, he by no means intended to alJude to any persons of particular consequence. But those persons who gave the money were fully known to government; and when he expressed a wish that they should be aware of that fact, he meant that it should be communicated to them through the usual channels, by which the public became acquainted with the proceedings of that House.

Mr. Alderman Wood, in reply, said, that as he had been charged in a very unhandsome manner by a right hon. gentleVOL. I.

man opposite (Mr. Canning), with visiting the prison of a dying man in order to induce him to say the thing that was not, he thought it right to tell that gentleman, that his attacks, however severe, would never prevent him from doing his duty. No invective or attempt at intimidation, should ever deter him from doing his duty in that House to the best of his judgment. The attorney-general had, in the course of his remarks, stated what was not correct with regard to those swords that had been supplied to the conspirators; he (Mr. Alderman Wood) did not say that they were new swords, but he said that they were made in a particular shape, and of a peculiar pattern, but it did not follow that they were therefore new. Indeed, the fact he believed to be otherwise, since he knew that the swords were rusty. The hon. and learned gentleman had only replied to those parts of his argument that suited his own purpose; he had never noticed the tin cases procured by and paid for by Edwards, without any knowledge on the part of the person who made them as to their intended purpose. He had named several persons, whose characters were unimpeached, and who had given testimony of the infamy of Dwyer. Yet all the other individuals who gave evidence against these men, were most immaculate in their characters. Dwyer was produced only on the first trial, lest his infamy should be exposed by Hyden, whom he could prove to be also infamous. The hon. and learned gentleman was served by very faithful and expeditious spies; for he had been able to tell him that Preston had been in his company within the last 24 hours. It was certainly true that Preston had been at Guildhall during the course of that day. He had come to state some grievances, and in his magisterial capacity he was bound to attend to any application of the kind that should be made to him. His going to Thistlewood with the questions which he had thought it proper to put to him, had been called in question. He had acted in this according to the dictates of his conscience. He thought that step necessary, in order to obtain what corroboration he could of the evidence he already had. To the question, whether he had received any money from Edwards, his reply was, not "now and then a pound," as had been industriously promulgated and repeated that evening by the hon. and learned gentleman, but "some pounds."

U

He first asked Thistlewood (who had been previously informed who he was) whether he had any objection to answer some questions, and he replied that it would give him great satisfaction to answer any question that he might put to him, provided he had time sufficient. It was his intention to have asked several other questions, but he was prevented by the gaoler of Newgate, who had refused him permission to see the prisoners, except he obtained the previous leave of lord Sidmouth. On the evening preceding the execution of these unfortunate men, he had ascertained that a Wesleyan clergyman had been prohibited from visiting Davidson upon a similar pretence. On a former occasion, by the request of a gen tleman high in office, he had visited Bellingham previously to his execution, and put a question to him; and he had yet to learn where was the diabolical tendency of such an act. He felt indebted to the hon. and learned gentleman below him for the clear and forcible manner in which he had placed his object, in undertaking that investigation. He was ready to prove from the evidence he was possessed of, that Edwards was the sole promoter and instigator of the Cato-street conspiracy. This he stated in the most solemn manner. If the attorney-general would assure him that he would not put a stop, as he had the power to do, to the prosecution which he should immediately begin against this infamous individual, he would consent to give up his motion directly. In that case he would pledge himself to go before the grand jury with the case, and to carry it on at his own expense. From the evidence he had, he could prove that an officer of the police was connected with this individual, and that they had been engaged together in several plots, previous to, and altogether unconnected with the late conspiracy. This, therefore, attached in a slight degree to government, who were supposed to know the officers of its own police. He could declare that so far from being instigated to the present motion by other persons, his intention to bring it forward was not known to any one gentleman in the House excepting the gallant member who seconded it, and who saw it only yesterday.

Mr. Canning said, he understood the worthy alderman wished to withdraw the motion; he therefore took the opportunity of stating, that he, for one, would not suffer the motion to be withdrawn.

Sir Robert Wilson said, that it could not fail to have been observed by the House that some warm words had passed between certain honourable members in the course of that debate. It would be much to be regretted if the House should break up without the satisfaction of knowing that those words, so uttered in the heat of the moment, had, in fact, made no unpleasant impresssion on the minds of the parties, who, he hoped, would therefore gratify the House, by manifesting the absence of any feeling contrary to that amicable understanding with which it was customary to conduct the discussions in that House [Hear, hear!].

The Speaker rose amidst loud cries of Hear, hear! He was satisfied, he said, that there could be but one feeling of thankfulness in that House towards the hon. and gallant member for the observations that had just proceeded from him; and he was equally sure, that if any expressions, conjured up by the warmth of debate, had fallen from any honourable members, they would be very ready to give the House that satisfaction, which the hon. and gallant member had so handsomely and so properly solicited [Here a pause of several seconds ensued]. The Speaker at length again rose. The hon. and gallant member, he observed, in addressing the House at first, had not pointed so distinctly to the objects of his speech as to name the members to whom lie alluded. He, therefore, now felt it to be his duty to say, that he understood the allusion to apply to sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Canning.

Sir F. Burdett then rose, and stated, that he considered it his duty to say what he did. It occurred to him that the right hon. gentleman had said, that the worthy alderman was drunk with popularity [a cry of No, no!]. He did not mean to say that the right hon. gentleman used the express words, but certainly he took the meaning to be, that the worthy alderman was intoxicated with popularity. The words he used in consequence of that impression were not intended to be personal.

Mr. Canning said, he had not taken any thing amiss which had fallen from the hon. baronet. He had only replied to him as the advocate of the hon. alderman's motion. There certainly were no two persons at greater variance on the subject of politics than the hon. baronet and him. self; but there was no member he more

wished to discuss a question with than the hon. baronet, for he always discussed it fairly.

The Speaker observed, that he was happy to find there was no ground for the supposed irritation of the feelings of the hon. members.

The question was then put, and the motion was negatived.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, May 11.

NEW POST OFFICE.] Sir. W. Curtis presented the report of the committee to whom had been referred for consideration the petition from the lord mayor, alder. men, and corporation of London, praying to be allowed to raise a further sum for the completion of the improvements at the west end of the city. The hon. baronet moved, "That the report be referred to a committee of the whole House."

Mr. H. Sumner objected to this proposition. The sum of 240,000l. had already been expended in clearing the site for the new post-office, and now the city applied for 100,000l. more; of which 33,000l. was to be charged on the Orphan fund. It was well known that that fund was principally supported by the duty on coals and culm imported into London. This duty, already 13s. 4d, a chaldron, fell most heavily on the population, and especially on the lower classes, not only of the metropolis, but of the surrounding districts; and now a measure was proposed which would occasion the addition of a shilling a chaldron to the duty. When it was considered that the sum which had been already voted was on an estimate of the whole expense, said to be accurately made, he thought it was the duty of the House to call for detailed accounts of the expenditure, and to refer them to the examination of a select committee. He would therefore move, as an amendment to the motion of the hon. baronet, to leave out all the words after the words "That the report be referred to," for the purpose of substituting the following: "A select committee, to whom it shall be referred to examine the accounts of the sums already expended, and to examine the estimates on which the additional grant is required."

Sir W. Curtis had no sort of objection to send the accounts to a select committee, but it appeared to him that such a proceeding, on the report of another com

mittee, would be contrary to the rules of the House. As to the facts of the case they were simply these, that unfortunately the money did not go far enough, that a variety of circumstances had increased the expenditure beyond the anticipated sum, and that there were at present thirty or forty thousand pounds, to pay for which there were no assets.

Mr. Alderman Wood had no objection to the motion for sending the accounts to a select committee for examination. The hon. member for Surrey had frequently touched on the subject of the duty on coals, but had never been able to make a successful impression on the House. What would be the effect of the present proposition on the hon. gentleman's constituents? That some thirty years hence they would pay a shilling a chaldron more for their coals than at present! That for which they would so pay, would be also as great an advantage to them as to other people. Instead of the narrow confined streets in which coaches and carts were now sometimes detained for two or three hours, fine wide streets would be opened, a circumstance which had no connexion with the new post-office. This street would show St. Paul's in a nobler point of view than it had been yet seen from the north road.

The amendment was agreed to, and a select committee appointed.

WOOL TAX.] Mr. Stuart-Wortley presented a petition from the manufacturers and other inhabitants, residing in one of the most populous places in the manufacturing district of the West Riding of Yorkshire, the parish of Kirkheaton, complaining of distress, and attributing that distress principally to the duties on wool. He would read to the House a paragraph from the petition, to show the severe nature of the distress experienced, premising that the petition came from persons as well-disposed to the support of government as the inhabitants of any part of the island. The hon. gentleman read the passage in question, which declared that the distress of the petitioners was great beyond example, and that they could not better illustrate its severity than by a reference to the state of the poorer manufacturers in the parish of seven or eight thousand, of whom 1700 had on an average earned, during the present year, only 11 d. a week each. The petitioners prayed that the House would take the state

kill him; that this band was finally driven from the house, but that a leader amongst them, after getting withinside the door, stabbed one man with a knife, and was prevented from killing him only by the timely arrival of persons to the wounded man's assistance; that, in consequence of these outrageous and sanguinary proceedings, and of there being no protection of the innocent afforded by the civil power until after the above-mentioned attack, those who would have voted for the Petitioner were kept from the booth; great numbers of those who had voted for the Petitioner had had their clothes cut from their bodies, had been stabbed, hacked, and otherwise maimed in their approach towards, or in their retreat from, the booth; to so enormous a length were these outrages carried, that a gentleman, a stranger at Coventry, having come to the booth to speak to the Petitioner, was, on his return, and even at the door of the booth, seized by the band of stabbers, a knife was run up his back, and his coat cut from his body; upon a representation made to the Petitioner by many Freemen on the Sunday after the attack on the lodging of the Petitioner, that they, who had not yet voted, were afraid to go to the booth, thinking their lives in danger, the Petitioner declined taking any further part in the Election; on the grounds, therefore, that the Election was not free, that it was obstructed by acts of real physical force, that though the poll was proceeded in afterwards, and closed in a peaceable manner, yet that it was, to the prejudice of the Petitioner, obstructed, and forcibly obstructed; that this obstruction, and the outrageous acts by which it was effected, caused numbers not to vote at all, who would have voted for the Petitioner, and caused others to yield to importunities and menaces that they would otherwise have resisted; on these grounds, and on the solemn pledge, on his part, that he is ready to make them good before the committee, the Petitioner appeals to the justice and impartiality of the House, whom he prays to afford him and the injured and insulted Freemen of the city of Coventry such remedy and redress as to their wisdom shall seem meet."

Ordered to be taken into consideration on the 29th of June.

EXCHEQUER BILLS. Mr. Maberly rose for the purpose of making the mo

tion, of which he had given notice. But before he did so, he hoped the House would indulge him in a few observations on the present financial system. It would be in the recollection of the House, that in the last parliament the chancellor of the exchequer had stated his intention of proposing a permanent system of taxation for the support of the public credit. Now he could not help saying that the system then adopted by the right hon. gentleman turned out to be a complete failure. It was, in fact, a departure from what the right hon. member proposed to do, and particularly as to the issue of exchequer bills. His decided opinion was, that the present system of temporary expedients ought to be put an end to. The welfare of the country required the adoption of a permanent system of finance. The right hon. member had last year stated, that there would remain of the old revenue a sum of two millions, which, with the new taxes, would make a sinking fund of five millions. Such a sum as a sinking fund, would, in his opinion, be sufficient to support the public credit. But was there such a sum actually applicable to this purpose? And how did the right hon. gentleman last year propose to raise it? He levied new taxes in such a way as to throw the pressure on the working classes of society, not only by taxing the articles which they consumed, but also by that most impolitic tax, the duty on wool. He should always oppose any tax on the raw material. This one in particular was of an injurious tendency, as by preventing the importation of the article it deprived the labourer of employment. The right hon. gentleman was told of this when the tax was imposed, but he was of a different opinion. This tax, however, had failed. He did not blame the chancellor of the exchequer for any failure of the revenue. He believed the right hon. gentleman expected, when he proposed the new taxes, that they would be productive. But he was surprised that he should have come down in February last year, knowing, as he must have known at the time, that the revenue was deficient, that the imports were less by 6,000,000l. and the exports by 10,000,000l. than they were the preceding year; he was surprised that, knowing this, the right hon. gentleman should have come to parliament with a statement that we