subject of his Majesty's thoughts? can it, with the shadow of propriety, be urged, that the royal mind has been at any time exempt from those considerations which may best promote the happiness of his people? What, then, can be the object of the address? * * * * Our assenting to the address would be highly unconstitutional, with respect to Ireland; and we could not, for a moment, entertain such an idea, without being guilty of an unjustifiable interference in the duties of the Legislative and Executive government of that nation."

The Earl of Wycombe said, "that Ireland was, at this moment, in an alarming situation; he did not expect that any remedy would be applied to the evil by the Irish legislature. It did not appear to him that the Irish claimed any more than was just and reasonable. Instead of rigor, conciliation should be tried. He should have wished that the Irish Parliament had been left to themselves to settle this; but that parliament had entirely lost the confidence of the people. The truth was, that a majority of it was at the will of the British cabinet."

The result of the debate evinced the determination of Ministers to resist every measure proposed for the conciliation of Ireland. The motion of Mr. Fox was lost in a majority of 136.*

See Debate on Mr. Fox's motion on the state of Ireland, 23d March, 1797.

66

When the Earl of Moira made his last appeal to the British House of Lords, he seems to have entertained little hopes of effecting any conciliatory measure for Ireland.* My Lords, I have seen in Ireland the most absurd, as well as the most disgusting tyranny that any nation ever groaned under. I have been myself a witness of it in many instances. I have seen it practiced and unchecked; and the effects that have resulted from it have been such as I have stated to your Lordships. If such a tyranny be persevered in, the consequence must inevitably be the deepest and most universal discontent, and even hatred to the English name. I have seen, in that country, a marked distinction made between the English and the Irish. I have seen troops that have been sent full of this prejudice, that every inhabitant in that kingdom is a rebel to the British Government. I have seen the most wanton insults practiced upon men of all ranks and conditions. I have seen the most grievous oppression exercised, in consequence of a presumption, that the person who was the unfortunate object of such oppression, was in hostility to the government; and yet that has been done in a part of the country as quiet and as free from disturbance as the City of London. He who states these things should be prepared

with proofs. I am prepared with them. *

峯

**

See Debate on the state of Ireland, 22d November, 1797.

There is not one man, my Lords, in Ireland, who is not liable to be taken out of his house, at any hour, either of the day or night, to be kept in rigorous confinement, restricted from all correspondence with the persons who have the management of his affairs, be treated with mixed severity and insult, and yet never know the crime with which he is charged, nor the source from whence the information against him proceeded. Your Lordships have hitherto detested the Inquisition. In what did that horrible institution differ from the system pursued in Ireland? Men, indeed, have not been put to the rack in Ireland, because that horrible engine was not at hand. But I do know instances of men being picketed in Ireland till they fainted; when they recovered, picketed again till they fainted; recovered again, and again picketed, till they fainted a third time ; and, this, in order to extort from the tortured sufferers a confession, either of their own guilt, or of the guilt of their neighbours. But I can even go farther: men have been half hanged and then brought to life, in order, by the fear of having that punishment repeated, to induce them to confess the crimes with which they have been charged. Good God! what must the general feeling be in a nation where such measures are adopted? My Lords, I could go much farther, but I choose

to veil some of the most atrocious parts. These acts, which I have stated to your Lordships, have been done so publicly, that I cannot but consider them as belonging to the system which has been adopted. They have been done in the open day; and if you do not hear the recitals of them from the newspapers of Ireland, it is because they are not published, from the fear of the publishers being exposed to the vengeance of the government if they did publish them. I know that authenticated relations of the most oppressive conduct, have been refused insertion in the Irish newspapers on this account. The printer says, 'what punishment hangs over me if I do insert them?" What happened to the printers of the Northern Star? A party of troops were sent in broad day, and destroyed the whole property, types, and every thing belonging to that paper.*"** ***** It would be painful to follow his Lordship through the recital of those melancholy and heart-rending statements which he submitted to the House; upon the accuracy of which, he declared it was the dearest wish of his heart to be examined before the Privy Council, or at the bar of the House. "I think," said he, "the moment for conciliation is not passed. I think that Ireland may yet be saved; but it can only be by an immediate change of

* The "Press," newspaper, subsequently established in Dublin, was also put down by an act of violence.

measures.

You say that the Irish are insensible of the benefits of the British Constitution, and you withhold all these benefits from them. You goad them with harsh and cruel punishments, and a general infliction and insult are thrown upon the kingdom. I have seen, my Lords, a conquered country held by military force; but never did I see, in any conquered country, such a tone of insult as has been adopted by Great Britain towards Ireland. *** I have made a last effort," continued his Lordship,-"I acquit my conscience. I have done my duty."

To the fearful, but mitigated, statement of the Earl of Moira-for he chose "to veil some of the most atrocious parts"-Lord Grenville replied. "The discussion," he said, "which the noble Lord seemed desirous to produce, could be attended with no advantage; it was, on the contrary, a discussion pregnant with mighty mischief. He was unable to discern what should alienate the affections of Ireland.

The noble Lord accused government of being hostilely inclined towards the sister kingdom, and eager to keep up in it a system of coercion. He might, however, confidently appeal to their Lordships, if it had not been the uniform disposition of government to adopt an opposite line of conduct. For the whole space of thirty years, his Majesty's Government had been distinguished by the same uniform