leave theological questions where they are. In spite of protestations to the contrary, the removal of texts on which dogmas have been supposed to rest will produce an impression. Even if it be granted that the doctrines have an independent standing-ground, this nemesis for the misplacement of the foundation of faith is still inevitable. It will be sought, no doubt, to make up for the narrowing of the Scriptural basis by strengthening the authority of the Church, or by making appeal to the general Christian consciousness. But the authority of the Church is only another word for the assumed certainty of an opinion, and the Christian consciousness can hardly be thought to testify to anything as one of the essentials of the faith which is not expressly recognized in the teaching of Christ or of St. Paul. LEWIS CAMPBELL. THE POLITICAL ELEMENT IN MASSINGER. A MONGST the Caroline dramatists Massinger takes a high place. If it cannot be said of his works, that "Every word is thought his coarseness is merely adventitious. The main intention of his work is moral. He never descends to paint immoral intention as virtuous because it does not succeed in converting itself into vicious act. It will probably be a surprise even to those who are far better acquainted with the history of literature than I can pretend to be, that in many of Massinger's plays we have a treatment of the politics of the day so plain and transparent, that any one who possesses only a slight acquaintance with the history of the reigns of the first two Stuarts can read it at a glance. It is quite unintelligible to me that, with the exception of a few cursory words in Mr. Ward's "History of Dramatic Literature," no previous inquirer should have stumbled on a fact so obvious. In speaking of the political element in Massinger, I mean something very different from those chance allusions and coincidences which are so often taken as evidences that a great poet is taking a direct part in contemporary politics. I mean nothing less than that Massinger treated of the events of the day under a disguise hardly less thin than that which shows off the figures in the caricatures of Aristophanes or the cartoons of Punch. As might be expected, Massinger's standpoint is the standpoint of the Herberts. His connection with the younger of the two brothers, the Philip, Earl of Montgomery, who afterwards became Earl of Pembroke, is witnessed by himself. With William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, it has hitherto been held that he had no personal dealings. Whether this be so or not, I hope to show that he expressed himself in a way which would have been altogether satisfactory to Pembroke, though this may possibly be accounted for by a wish to please his brother Montgomery. The first play in which anything political is to be found is "The Bondman," which, when printed, was dedicated to Montgomery. In the dedication Massinger says that he "could never arrive at the happiness to be made known to his lordship," but that his "lordship's liberal suffrage taught others to allow" the play "for current." It would be a vain task to inquire what were the personal views of a man who had so little of the politician in him as Montgomery; and we must, therefore, ask what were the views of his brother. Pembroke has often been held to be the original begetter of Shakespeare's sonnets. Whether this be so or not, I fancy that if anybody had spoken of him as the original begetter of "Hamlet," it would have been rather difficult to prove the negative. Clarendon's description of him carries us back to Ophelia's description of Hamlet; "The expectancy and rose of the fair state, whilst those who have watched his progress minutely know how the force of his will was not equal to the grasp of his intelligence, so that the man to whom Englishmen looked up as the most honourable and patriotic of Councillors came to deserve the brief contemptuous words of Bacon, who told Buckingham that Pembroke was "for his person not effectual, but some dependencies he hath which are drawn with him." These words were spoken by Bacon on January 2, 1624, as advice to Buckingham to win over Pembroke before Parliament opened. Pembroke had just been in one of his temporary fits of resolution. Buckingham and the Prince had returned from Madrid, and wanted James to declare war with Spain as soon as possible. Pembroke had never been in favour of the Spanish alliance; but he distrusted Buckingham as a leader, and he thought that Buckingham was behaving shabbily in advocating the breach of engagements of which he had been himself the strongest advocate. In these weeks of Pembroke's opposition "The Bondman" was written. It was licensed on December 3, 1623. There is more of allusion than of direct reference to passing events in this play; but the audience must surely have thought of the young Lord Admiral of England as they heard such lines as these (i. 1): "Leosthenes. 46 Timagoras. The Carthaginian fleet? Who commands Gisco's their admiral, And wear it as a favour. A steel helmet, A little further (i. 3), we have the expression of regret that England has no worthy commander :- "Archidamus. O shame! that we, that are a populous nation, Engaged to liberal nature for all blessings An island can bring forth; we, that have limbs The scene in which Timoleon sets before the men of Syracuse the necessity of sacrifice in war looks as if Massinger thought that others beside Buckingham were to blame. The following lines seem to include Middlesex as well as Buckingham; and Pembroke, as we know, had as little sympathy with Middlesex as he had with Buckingham: "Timoleon. Your senate house, which used not to admit At the helm of government, whose youth was not Crown'd with grey hairs, gave warrant to his counsels With green heads, that determine of the state Over their cups, or when their sated lusts Afford them leisure; or supplied by those Who rising from base arts and sordid thrift, Are eminent for their wealth, not for their wisdom; Which is the reason that to hold a place In council, which was once esteem'd an honour, If Massinger has an eye to Buckingham and Middlesex, he has an eye, too, to the future House of Commons. I am unable to follow Mr. Spedding in all that he has said against the Commons of 1624, but I am bound to acknowledge that he has Massinger's forebodings on his side. "Yet," Timoleon proceeds Murmurs are heard, and are thus checked by Timoleon : The next play of which I shall speak is very different in its tone. "The Great Duke of Florence" was acted on July 5, 1627. The Herberts had by this time been reconciled to Buckingham, who had now started on that expedition to the Isle of Rhé, from which so much was expected. Strange as it may seem, it is impossible to read the play without thinking of James, and Charles, and Buckingham. Sanazarro, the favourite of Duke Cosimo, is deputed to have an eye to the love affairs of the duke's nephew, and joins the nephew in hoodwinking the old man. It may, perhaps, be overstraining a point to refer to the commencement of the declaration against Raleigh, when Cosimo says (i. 2)— "Though We stand not bound to yield account to any or to think of Charles, in the commendation of Giovanni (iii. 1)— "Cosimo. You are, nephew, or again "How do you like My nephew's horsemanship?" But James and Buckingham can hardly have been out of the thoughts of the spectators when Cosimo says (v. 2)— "The honours we have hourly heap'd upon him, The titles, the rewards, to the envy of The old nobility, as the common people, We now forbear to touch on." Still, however, as it could hardly fail to be, the allusion is less direct than in "The Bondman." The way in which stress is |