that he had attempted his daughter, and drawn his sword against his father in order to stab him? whereas, in the other case, this writer affirms over and over, that all attempts for introducing popery and slavery are already made, the whole business concerted, and that little less than a miracle can prevent our ruin. Thirdly, I could heartily wish his lordship would not undertake to charge the opinions of one or two, and those probably nonjurors, upon the whole body of the nation, that differs from him. Mr. Lesley writ a proposal for a union with the Gallican church: somebody else has carried the necessity of priesthood in the point of baptism, farther than popery: a third has asserted the independency of the church on the state, and in many things arraigned the supremacy of the crown; then he speaks in a dubious insinuating way, as if some other popish tenets had been already advanced and at last concludes in this affected strain of despondency; What will all these things end in? And on what design are they driven? Alas, it is too visible! it is as clear as the sun, that these authors are encouraged by the ministry, with a design to bring in popery; and in popery all these things will end. I never was so uncharitable as to believe, that the whole party, of which his lordship professes himself a member, had a real formed design of establishing atheism among us. The reason why the whigs have taken the atheists or freethinkers into their body, is, because they wholly agree in their political scheme, and differ very little in church power and discipline. However, I could turn the argument against his lordship with very great adYOL. IV. EE vantage, vantage, by quoting passages from fifty pamphlets wholly made up of whiggism and atheism, and then conclude, what will all these things end in? And on what design are they driven? Alas, it is too visible ! Lastly, I would beg his lordship not to be so exceedingly, outrageous upon the memory of the dead; because it is highly probable, that in a very short time, he will be one of the number. He has in plain words, given Mr. Wharton the character of a most malicious revengeful, treacherous, lying, mercenary villain. To which I shall only say, that the direct reverse of this amiable description, is what appears from the works of that most learned divine, and from the accounts given me by those, who knew him much better than the bishop seems to have done. I meddle not with the moral part of his treatment. God Almighty forgive his lordship this manner of revenging himself; and then there will be but little consequence from an accusation, which the dead cannot feel, and which none of the living will believe. A LETTER A LETTER FROM A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ΤΟ A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN ENGLAND, CONCERNING THE SACRAMENTAL TEST. WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1708. SIR, I RECEIVED your letter, wherein you tell me of the strange representations made of us on your side of the water. The instance you are pleased to mention is that of the presbyterian missionary, who, according to your phrase, has been lately persecuted at Drogheda for his religion but it is easy to observe, how mighty industrious some people have been for three or four years past, to hand about stories of the hardships, the merits, the number, and the power of the presbyterians in Ireland; to raise formidable ideas of the dangers of popery there, and to transmit all for England, improved by great additions, and with special care to have them EE 2 them inserted, with comments, in those infamous weekly papers, that infest your coffeehouses. So, when the clause enacting a sacramental test was put in execution, it was given out in England, that half the justices of peace, through this kingdom, had laid down their commissions: whereas, upon examination, the whole number was found to amount only to a dozen or thirteen, and those generally of the lowest rate in fortune or understanding, and some of them superannuated. So, when the earl of Pembroke was in Ireland, and the parliament sitting, a formal story was very gravely carried to his excellency, by some zealous members, of a priest newly arrived from abroad to the northwest parts of Ireland, who had publickly preached to his people, to fall a murdering the protestants; which, though invented to serve an end they were then upon, and are still driving at, was presently handed over, and printed with shrewd remarks by your worthy scribblers. In like manner, the account of that person, who was lately expelled our university for reflecting on the memory of king William what a dust it raised, and how foully it was related, is fresh enough in memory. Neither would people be convinced, till the university was at the pains of publishing a Latin paper to justify themselves. And to mention no more, this story of the persecution at Drogheda, how it has been spread and aggravated, what consequences have been drawn from it, and what reproaches fixed on those who have least deserved them, we are already informed. Now if the end of all this proceeding were a secret and mystery, I should not pretend to give it an interpretation; but sufficient care has been been taken to explain it, first, by addresses artificially (if not illegally) procured, to show the miserable state of the dissenters in Ireland by reason of the sacramental test, and to desire the queen's intercession, that it might be repealed. Then, it is manifest, that our speaker*, when he was last year in England, solicited in person several members of both houses to have it repealed by an act there; though it be a matter purely national, that cannot possibly interfere with the trade and interest of England; and though he himself appeared formerly the most zealous of all men, against the injustice of binding a nation by laws, to which they do not consent. And, lastly, those weekly libellers, whenever they get a tale by the end relating to Ireland, without once troubling their thoughts about the truth, always end it with an application against the sacramental test, and the absolute necessity there is of repealing it in both kingdoms. I know it may be reckoned a weakness to say any thing of such trifles, as are below a serious man's notice; much less would I disparage the understanding of any party, to think they would choose the vilest and most ignorant among mankind, to employ them for the assertors of a cause. I shall only say, that the scandalous liberty those wretches take, would hardly be allowed, if it were not mingled with opinions that some men would be glad to advance. Besides, how insipid soever those papers are, they seem to be levelled to the understanding of a great number; they are grown a necessary part in coffee * Mr. Allen Broderick, afterward chancellor of Ireland, and lord Middleton. |