The vote is about to be taken without giving me time to be heard. It would be idle for me to say that I am ignorant of the disposition of the majority to pass the resolution. I have been violently assailed in

a personal manner, but have had no opportunity of being heard in reply. I do not now stand here to ask any favor or to crave any mercy at the hands of the members. But, in the name of an insulted constituency-in behalf of one of the sovereign states of the Union, in behalf of these states and the Federal constitution-I demand a hearing, agreeable to the rights guaranteed to me, and in the ordinary mode of proceedings. I accept no other privilege. I will receive no other courtesy.

The happiness of the advocates of slavery, in and out of congress, already great at the humiliation of their fearless enemy, was increased by his resignation, which followed as a matter of course. He returned to Ohio, and was received, not as a punished wrong-doer, but as a champion who had maintained his cause in the lists against a multitude of opponents, and deserved the praise, the encouragement and the vindication of his constituents. At every town through which he passed he was received with every demonstration of approval, and when on the twentysixth of April, 1842, occurred the special election to fill the vacancy caused by his resignation, he was reëlected in the face of a Democratic nomination by a majority of 3,500, and again took the oath of office May 5, 1842. I have been betrayed into far more particularization than the original intent of this paper comprehended. My aim was to show what manner of man the then sixteenth congressional district sent to the house of representatives in those troublous times; how the constituency supported him, and how fully justified was its confidence. Further evidence in the matter would be simply cumulative and is scarcely necessary—an enum eration must suffice. From 1842 until 1858 Mr. Giddings fought the fight against the extension and constitutional recognition of slavery, in season and out of season, waging, as one of so small a minority must do, a guerilla rather than an organized warfare upon the slave power. His object was two-fold-to cripple his powerful opponents whenever they made an aggressive movement and to strengthen himself in the rear by exciting interest and drawing recruits to the cause. To the latter end he applied, in addition to his congressional speeches, the agencies of the stump, the rostrum and the press. Through the last named medium he disseminated his "Pacificus Papers," embodying in terse form a series of arguments in the line of the Creole resolutions, which furnished the first distinct creed to the liberty element of the north. In congress he fought for years almost single handed; later, shoulder to shoulder with the grow ing number of anti-slavery members, the fight that ended February 4, 1856, with the election of Nathaniel P. Banks, a Freesoiler, to the speakership of the house.

He fought the base outrages of Texan annexation and the Mexican war, seeing the deep plan behind them and being one of the framers of the famous anti-Texas address of the twenty members of congress to the people of the free states. He fought the slavery movement directed toward California and New Mexico, the abrogation of the Missouri compromise, the Kansas and Nebraska scoundrelism, and, in fact, wherever any one of the hydra heads of slavery appeared, he had a crushing blow to give it.

Party was nothing to him, save as it served the one great end to which his life was devoted. He was in turn Whig, Freesoiler, Republican, and would have been Democrat had his judgment so directed. Though one of the founders of the Republican party in 1856, he left its convention in 1860 because the resolutions reported said nothing against slavery, and only returned when the concession was made.

Early in 1857, he fell one day, in his place, stricken with heart disease. He did not die, as all thought he would, at once, but rallied, and, in a measure, recovered. He served the session out; his friends in Ohio thought nothing human more certain than his renomination; he neither cared for it, nor made any effort to secure it. He was old in years, weary with service, and shattered in health. No one represented him at the convention, and a quietly but perfectly organized opposition defeated his nomination by one vote.

He seems to have left congress when his work was fully done, as he entered it to fill a place that was providentially awaiting him. Perhaps the change of tone and the change of issues, which came with secession and war, might have left the noble old leader an incumbrance upon the field; surely they could not have failed to bring him much sorrow and heaviness of heart.

In 1861 Lincoln offered Giddings the consul-generalship of Canada, which he accepted. At Montreal, performing diligently and well his consular duties, working upon his 'History of the Rebellion; Its Authors and Causes,' which while printed was never really published, he spent the remainder of his days, passing at last into the "undiscovered country," on the twenty-seventh day of May, 1864.

His contemporaries made estimates of him as various as were the conflicting interests of the day. Some called him a demagogue; some a fanatic. Some conceded his honesty but denied his sense; others admitted his shrewdness but would allow him no principle. What was he in

fact? Not a demagogue, for he chose for years the thorns and hunger of the wayside rather than the easy bed and sumptuous fare that sacrifice of what he believed to be truth would have earned him; not a fanatic, for, whatever others advocated or attempted, he worked strictly within the boundaries of right and of constitutional authority. When his heart was breaking with the pity and indignation that slavery excited in every just and generous man, he sorrowfully admitted that only Providence could open a way to abolition; that, under the constitution which he daily invoked, the Federal government had nothing to do with slavery in any state. His life work was defined by the determination that, as far as it lay in him to prevent it, slavery should not be perpetuated by the introduction of new slaves, or by the pollution of new territory, and that the Federal government should not be made to stand sponsor to its wrongs. He no more hesitated in 1844 in offending the Liberty party by refusing to support Birney, than he did four years later in supporting Van Buren against Taylor, and thus drawing down upon himself the anathemas of the Whigs. If he was a fanatic, then such is every man who prefers the right to the winning of wealth, ease, place and praise, at the sacrifice of principle. WALTER BUELL.

MAP AND DESCRIPTION OF NORTHEASTERN OHIO, BY REV. JOHN HECKEWELDER, IN 1796.

Among the many manuscript treasures of the Historical Society at Cleveland is a description of northeastern Ohio, by Rev. John Heckewelder, the famous Moravian missionary, accompanied by a map also drawn by him. They were presented to the society by the daughter of General Moses Cleaveland.

Father Heckewelder was born in England in 1743. His father was born in Moravia, and went to England in 1734 as an exile in the service of the Moravian church.

When John was ten years old he accompanied his parents to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where was a Moravian Indian mission. There he went to