informed of the interview with the Senators. He desired them to know all that was being done. Once more-in the evening-the Senators met the President, together with the members of the Cabinet, except Mr. Seward. We never shall know all that was said. A frank and free discussion was carried on till late in the night.

"Do you, gentlemen," said the President, "still think Mr. Seward ought to be excused from serving as Secretary of State?"

"Yes," said Sumner, Trumbull, Grimes, and Pomeroy.

"No," responded Senator Harris.

On December 20th Secretary Seward and Secretary Chase sent their resignations to the President, but he declined to accept them; he needed their great services and had confidence in them.

Christmas was not, as in former years, full of joy and gladness, but sorrow, to those whose loved ones were buried where they fell on the battle-fields. Gloom and despondency were settling upon the Army of the Potomac. The leading generals were quarrelling. Burnside demanded the peremptory removal of those whom he believed had failed to do their duty-among them General Hooker. His subordinate commanders were denouncing him for the useless slaughter at Fredericksburg. There was want of unity in the Cabinet. Senators and members of Congress were criticising the Administration. The Republican members were divided in opinion. The Committee on the Conduct of the War was bringing to light many scandals. The men who opposed the war were becoming arrogant and aggressive. The Democratic Party was in power in many of the States, determined to thwart the President. Leading officers in the army said that "the army and the Government needed a dictator." The time was near at hand when the final edict of emancipation would be issued. More bitterly than ever was it denounced as unconstitutional, unrighteous, and wicked by those who did not want to see slavery abolished. Is it a wonder that under these circumstances the sadness deepened upon the countenance of the President, or that he experienced unspeakable anguish as he thought of the slaughter at Fredericksburg and looked into the darkness of the future?

Many slaves had left their masters and made their way to Washington. The Government was obliged to establish a "contraband camp,' where they were cared for. On the last day of December the hands of the clock stole on to the midnight hour, when, according to the edict of Abraham Lincoln, they were to be free. The thousands kneeled and began to sing:

"Oh, go down, Moses,

Way down to Egypt's land;

Tell King Pharaoh

To let my people go.

Oh, Pharaoh said he would not cross

'Let my people go.'

But Pharaoh and his hosts were lost

Let my people go."

The song ceased. The church bell slowly tolled the hour. There

was silence as of death, and then "Glory! hallelujah! we are free! God bless Massa Linkum !"

"O dark, sad millions, patiently and dumb,

Waiting for God, your hour at last has come,

And freedom's song

Breaks the long silence of your night of wrong."

So wrote John G. Whittier on hearing the consummation of the event which gave freedom to 4,000,000 slaves.

General Burnside planned a movement of the army. General Sumner was to have charge of it. General Averill, with a large force of cavalry, was to make a raid in rear of the Confederates and Jan1, destroy their communication with Richmond. While the church bells were tolling out the old year and ringing in the new, with its era of freedom, a despatch went over the wires from the President to Burnside:

1863.

“I have good reason for saying you must make no movement without consulting me."

General Burnside hastened to Washington, and learned that several of his subordinate officers had protested against the movement. He sent a letter to the President, in which he said that the country evidently had lost confidence in Mr. Stanton, General Halleck, and himself, and that all three ought to resign. He enclosed his own resignation. He called upon Secretary Stanton and informed him of what he had done.

"If," said Stanton, "you had as much confidence in yourself as others have in you, things would go through all right."

The President sent the resignation back to Burnside, who returned to the army.

Mr. Raymond, editor of the New York "Times," wishing to see the actual situation, visited Falmouth and talked with many officers.(*)

"I think," said General Wadsworth, "that the reported demoralization of the army is much exaggerated, and that the only trouble is in the disaffection of some of the officers, who had been greatly favored by McClellan, and who were hoping for his return to command.” (*)

"There is," said Colonel Morrow, "a good deal of dissatisfactionor rather of despondency-among officers and men, due mainly, in my opinion, to a lack of military successes and to a want of confidence in General Burnside, because he has no confidence in himself. He has said many times that he did not feel competent to command. He has not

only spoken of his incompetency, but has been before a Congressional committee and sworn to it. As an instance of the feeling in the army, one of my lieutenants has sent in his resignation because he does not approve of the policy on which the Government is conducting the war. The army must be reorganized, with a general at its head who has not been mixed up with rivalries." (")

General Burnside planned another advance. He intended to send a portion of the army down the river and make a feint of crossing. At

the same time he would make a rapid march up the river and gain a foothold on the southern side. Generals Franklin, Smith, and Hooker vehemently opposed the plan. The orders were issued. The army began its march. But a storm came-the rain poured in torrents. Wagons and cannon could not be moved, and the troops returned to their quarters.

Jan. 22.

The dissatisfaction increased. It was promoted by officers rather than by the men. We need not wonder that Burnside keenly felt their antagonism. The command of the army had been thrust upon him. He had been thwarted in his first attempt by the inefficiency or neglect of Halleck in not having the pontoons at Fredericksburg. Franklin had not done his duty in battle, and together with Hooker, Smith, Cochrane, Woodbury, Sturgis, and Newton opposed his plans. The President himself had interfered with one of his projects, and yet would not accept his resignation. He could accomplish nothing, and resolved to remove the officers who were opposing him; but instead of issuing the order, he went to Washington to lay the matter before Mr. Lincoln.

"You know, Mr. President," he said, "that I never sought any command—and more particularly that of the Army of the Potomac. You know my desire to return to civil life. I have no desire to place myself in opposition to you or to do anything to weaken the Government. I have written the order removing those officers, but I have no right to remove them without your approval. In case you cannot approve it, I must tender you once more my resignation."

"General Burnside," replied the President, "I think that you are correct, but I must consult with some of my advisers about this."

In addition to the burdens he had to bear, the President, in compliance with custom, must hold receptions and shake hands with Jan. 24. several thousand people. It was only a minute that he could talk with Mr. Raymond on such an occasion.

"General Hooker is throwing obstacles in the way of Burnside," said Mr. Raymond.

"It is true," replied Mr. Lincoln; "Hooker does talk badly, but the trouble is he is stronger with the country to-day than any other man."

"How long will he retain that strength when his real conduct and character is understood?"

"The country would not believe it; they would say it is a lie." (') Mr. Seward was anxious to know what Mr. Raymond thought of affairs in the army "The mass of the soldiers are loyal; the demoralization is with the officers," said Mr. Raymond.

In addition to the jealousies and rivalries among the army officers, the President was annoyed by the course pursued by Horace Greeley, who was holding private interviews and correspondence with Mercier, the French Minister, to persuade him that the people of the United