Tibi hospitale pectus et purae manus, Volgata, sacrum liberi Cupidinis, Impune ut Urbem nomine impleris meo? after death, τὰ ἔνατα. We are dependent for our information chiefly on the Scholiasts upon this place, upon Virg. Aen. 5. 64, and Terent. Phorm. 1. 1. 16, and they differ in their accounts of the employment of the intervening days. But all agree that the ninth day was the one on which the dead was finally put out of sight. 50. venter='partus.' The allusion is to the taunt in Epod. 5. 5. Pactumeius Orelli shows to have been a Roman name. It occurs in the consular lists of the two first Christian centuries. 52. fortis exsilis, of her speedy recovery. Intended to retract the retractation. 56, 59. ut.. ut; Madv. § 353 obs. Of something not to be thought of, whether as improbable or as offensive; Cic. Cat. 1.9 Quamquam quid loquor? Te ut ulla res frangat. Tu ut unquam te corrigas.' It more often has an interrogative particle added; Hor. Sat. 2. 5. 18 Ut ne tegam spurco Damae latus'? 56. riseris volgata, i. e. volgaveris et riseris.' Cotyttia, licentious mysteries celebrated in Thrace, and later in Athens and Corinth, in the name of a goddess Cotys or Cotytto. Canidia gives this name to the dark rites described in Epod. 5, with their lustful purpose. 58. pontifex. A pontifex had the right and duty of being present at all sacred rites, and of seeing that they were duly performed. Horace has acknowledged in Sat. 1. 8 his cognisance of Canidia's doings on the Esquiline. She turns the tables on him. He was there as a very master in the art, and yet has held her up to public scorn. Orelli quotes the title which Cicero gives Clodius on account of his unlawful presence at the rites of Bona Dea, pro Sest. 17 stuprorum sacerdotem.' 60-62. What profit, then. were it to me [i.e. if you could do this with impunity] to have made the fortune of Pelignian hags [i.e. to have paid for learning every secret of magic], and to have mixed the speediest poison? But [though I do not mean to let you off, and though I call my poison speedy] the fate that awaits you is all too slow for your desire.' The text is that of the Berne MS, and is defended by Bentley, Orelli, Ritter, and Dill., and it gives the best connection of thought. There is, however, good MS. authority for 'proderit' in v. 60, and for 'si' against 'sed' in v. 62. The question must then be removed to the end of v. 62, and the sentence will refer to Horace, not to Canidia, 'What will it profit you richly to have paid Pelignian hags (i. e. to find spells that might free you from me), or to have mixed the quickest poison (i. e. in order to kill yourself), if a fate awaits you too slow for your desires.' 61. velocius, sc. solito.' 62. tardiora answers verbally to ' velocius.' 374 HORATII EPODON LIBER. EPOD. 17. 65 Ingrata misero vita ducenda est in hoc, In monte saxum; sed vetant leges Iovis. Modo ense pectus Norico recludere, Vectabor humeris tunc ego inimicis eques, 75 An quae movere cereas imagines, Ut ipse nosti curiosus, et polo Deripere lunam vocibus possim meis, Plorem artis in te nil agentis exitus? 80 63. in hoc, for this purpose.' 65. infidi, in his treatment of Myrtilus. Tantalus' character is to be gathered from that of his son. 67. obligatus, 'bound in the way of,' 'bound so as to be exposed to.' aliti, the vulture that eat his liver. 71. Norico; Od. 1. 16. 9. 74. I will ride on my enemy's neck, and the world shall bow to my insolent triumph,' i. e. my triumph over you will make me as proud and as insolent as if the world were at my feet, as though I were terrarum domina'; Od. 1. 1. 6. 76. movere cereas imagines, 'to make waxen images feel'; Sat. 1. 8. 30 'Lanea et effigies erat, altera cerea; maior Lanea, quae poenis compesceret inferiorem. Cerea suppliciter stabat, servilibus ut quae Iam peritura modis.' The waxen image represented the person who was the object of the enchantments, and was supposed to communicate to him its pains; Theoc. 2. 28 s τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ σὺν δαίμονι τάκω, “Ως τάκοιθ ̓ ὑπ ̓ ἔρωτος ὁ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Aéλpis, Virg. E. 8. 80. 77. curiosus, 'through your prying.' 80. desideri, as Epod. 5. 38 'amoris poculum,' a potion to excite desire.' APPENDIX I. ON THE UNKNOWN NAMES IN THE ODES. Ir is hardly necessary to read Estré's summary of the many and mutually destructive theories that have been proposed in order to perceive the futility of attempting to construct out of the Pyrrhas, Lalages, Lydias of the Odes a history of Horace's loves and disappointments. Whatever foundation any Ode may have had in the feelings or facts of the moment it is impossible now to distinguish shadow from substance; and there is much to indicate that Horace did not wish it to be otherwise. Whatever be their origin, he treats his love Odes as artistic studies. He arranges them not, we can feel sure, in any chronological order as remembrances of his own life, but where they will be most useful to relieve more serious poems or to stand side by side as companion pictures. We may see as much as this from the nature of the names which he employs. A certain number owe their selection obviously to their etymological meaning, such as Pyrrha in 1. 5, Chloë in 1. 23, Lyce in 3. 10, Phidyle in 3. 23 (cp. Sybaris in 1. 8; the list may possibly be extended by the names of Lalage in 1. 22, Leuconoe in 1. 11, and of Telephus 1. 13, etc. Horace is fond of playing on the meaning of names, 'Glycerae immitis,' 1. 33. 2, 'Bibuli consulis amphoram,' 3. 28, 8, 'Dulci Lyaeo solvere,' Epod. 9. 38). Some more are suspiciously well adapted to the metre of the special poem; Leuconoe has this reason at any rate for her existence, so has 'Asterie' in 3. 7, and 'Neobule' (cp. the name of her lover, 'Liparaeus Hebrus') in the Ionic a minore metre of 3. 12. With one or two exceptions the unknown male names in the Odes (the names of Horace's rivals, as in 1. 13, on any theory of a real Lydia) are Greek names, Telephus, Gyges, Calais; mythological names; sometimes the names of Greek rivers, Hebrus 3. 12, Enipeus 3. 7. We may add perhaps that where the designation is most full and precise we seem to see most definitely the purpose of giving momentary substance to an acknowledged shadow; see on 'Thurini Calais filius Ornyti' 3.9. 14, an i cp. Introd. to 2.4. In a few cases we seem to see the appropriation of the name to a special character, as 'Cyrus,' 1. 17. 25, 1. 33. 6; 'Pholoe,' I. 33. 7, 9, 2. 5. 17, 3. 15. 7; 'Telephus,' 1. 13. 1, 3. 19. 26, 4. II. 21; Lyce,' 3. 10, and 4. 13; but this last instance (viewed in light of the general relation of Book iv. to the earlier Books) points to the explanation that it is in all cases a literary identity, a reminiscence of a previous poem, not of a living person. On the other hand, the same name is at times given to people of such different characters or ages, that those who would give them real existence are obliged to recognise more than one owner of the name; cp. the Phyllis of 2. 4 and 4. 11, the Chloris of 2. 5 and 3. 15, the Lalage of 1. 22 and 2. 5, not to say the Glycera of 1. 30 and 1. 33. There are cases, doubtless, where a reality is given to unknown names by their being brought into close relation with real persons and events, such as Mystes,' the lost friend of Valgius, in 2. 9; 'Damalis,' who is to rival Bassus in draughts of wine at the feast on Numida's return, 1. 36; 'Glycera,' to whom Tibullus is supposed to write piteous elegies, 1. 33. In this last case we note that Glycera is not a name that occurs in Tibullus' extant elegies, which suggests the possibility that even in such instances as these, though the reference be real, the name may be fictitious. This is of course the ultimate refuge of those who would see in the heroines of the Odes real persons. The names they give up; but Horace, it is argued, may have concealed the true names, as tradition tells us (see 2. 12 Introd.) Catullus concealed the name of Clodia under that of Lesbia, Propertius that of Hostia under that of Cynthia, Tibullus that of Plania under that of Delia, etc.; and Horace himself, in the Epodes and Satires, the name of Gratidia under that of Canidia; it is even added (see ibid.) the name of Terentia, Maecenas' wife, under that of Licymnia. The possibility cannot be denied, but the suggestion leaves us much where we were as to any canon by which to know true persons from imaginary ones. No tradition helps us, and Estré observes that the only instances of such concealment of real names for which any tradition vouches are instances where the true and false names were metrically equivalent, a requirement which makes havoc of several schemes of 'amores Horatiani.' We should still have to leave as the representatives of different persons names which suit almost every metrical foot of two, three, or four syllables. There is one unknown name in the Odes, that of Cinara (Od. 4. I. 4, 4. 13. 21, 22, Epp. 1. 7. 28, 1. 14. 33), which is perhaps redeemed from this shadowy existence, both by the personal feelings that seem to accompany its mention and by its recurrence among the reminiscences of the poet's own life in the Epistles. That a mere literary reminiscence, an echo of his amatory poems rather than of his feelings, is intended seems unlikely in the absence of the name from all his early poems. The exception, however, tells rather against than for the reality of the personages who are not similarly recalled; and Buttmann draws attention to the fact that this one unknown person who seems more than a shadow is the subject only of allusion, not of a substantive poem. What has been said will obviously not apply with equal force to the Epodes, where, in idea at least, personality is the essence of the poem. The introduction of Horace's own name, as in Epod. 15, and the pursuance of his attack upon Canidia through three Epodes and three Satires seem to indicate more real and definite objects. But the use of poetical names for characters who have no existence save at the moment begins doubtless in the Epodes, as do other features of the Odes. APPENDIX II. HORACE'S USE OF THE COMPLEMENTARY INFINITIVE WITH VERBS AND ADJECTIVES. 1. With Verbs. A COMPLEMENTARY, or, as Dr. Kennedy prefers to call it, 'prolative,' infinitive seems properly to have been allowed only to verbs whose idea was not complete without such a definition of their scope; whether the simple verbs that express power, duty, inclination, purpose, effort, beginning, etc., and the negation of any of these ('possum,' 'debeo,' 'volo,' 'conor,' 'incipio,' ' nequeo,' ' nolo '); or again the simple verbs which express the allowing another, or influencing him, to do or abstain from doing something (sino,' 'patior,' 'iubeo,' 'doceo,' 'cogo,' 'veto,' ' prohibeo,' etc.). There is a tendency, however, even in the most classical prose writers to extend the first at least of these two classes by including verbs which do not properly require any such complement, and which therefore, if any further definition of their scope or purpose were needed, would in strictness have found it rather by means either of some subordinate clause or of one of those substantival forms of the verb which could indicate its |