Iniecit emovitque culpas Et veteres revocavit artes, Per quas Latinum nomen et Italae Solis ab Hesperio cubili. Custode rerum Caesare non furor Non ira, quae procudit enses Et miseras inimicat urbes. and double gateway (Burn's Rome, pp. xxiv and 87), which was opened in time of war and closed in time of peace, was 'lanus Quirinus,' Quirinus' being apparently an adjective, as in Janus Geminus,' Ianus Iunonius,' etc. It is open therefore to suppose either that the genitive was used indifferently with the adjective as of Romulus' (to whom the worship of Janus was attributed), of Rome, Roman,' or that Horace consciously varies the usual form, as he does technical expressions so often; see on 3. 5. 42. 10. frena licentiae iniecit; 3. 24. 29. 12. artes; Imperium facile his artibus retinetur quibus initio partum est,' Sall. Cat. 2. 4. They are the virtues of old Roman life celebrated in 3 1-6. For 'artes cp. 3. 3.9 Hac arte Pollux,' etc. As Kritz explains on the passage in Sallust. the word only='studia ac mores,' and must draw its positive colour from the context. We need not think, with many of Horace's editors, of the possible etymological connection of 'ars' with aper. If the end proposed were bad, artes' would be vices. 14. imperi; see on 1. 2. 26. 15. ortus. There is a v. 1. of less authority, ortum.' It is a case clearly where either singular or plural is admissible, and where variety is quite a sufficient motive to account for their interchange. Bentley quotes Sall. Cat. 36 'cum ad occasus ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent.' 17. custode; 3. 14. 15, 4. 5. I. 18. exiget, in its simple sense, ‘drive out,' as 2. 13. 31 exactos tyrannos.' B has 'exigit'; V, unmetrically, ‘exe 15 20 git.' Some form of the verb was certainly read by Porph., who interprets 'excludet, quasi ego agit, ut Terentius: spectandae an exigendae.' There is good MS. authority also for eximet,' which is preferred by Ritter, Keller, and Mr. Munro; and it is a common Horatian word, Od. 2. 2. 19, 3. 14. 14, Epp. 1. 5. 18, 2. 2. 212, though this is hardly an argument for it here. 20. miseras, proleptically, to their misery.' inimicat, sets at variance,' a word, apparently, as Porph. tells us ('fictum verbum est'), coined by Horace. 21. For the form of expression see on 3. 10. 1; cp. 2. 2. 20 Rhodani potor.' The peoples meant may be either the Vindelici (4. 4. 18), against whom Tiberius had won some victories, or the Daci (3. 6. 13, Virg. G. 2. 497 'coniurato descendens Dacus ab Istro'), who used to be spoken of as dangerous in the early years of Augustus' reign. 22. edicta Iulia. We must no more look for a technical meaning in edicta,' than for exact historical facts to correspond with the general statement. ⚫ Edictum,' though limited very much in use to the praetor's edicts, was a general term for any command issued by a magistrate. The form of the phrase is intended to recall leges Iuliae,' the name which covered the domestic legislation of Augustus as well as Julius. The substance, so far as it had any which can be realised, would be terms of peace, which Augustus has imposed on the various nations. Getae; see Introd. to Books i-iii, 1. § 7. 314 HORATII CARMINUM. LIB. IV. OD. 15. Non Seres infidive Persae, Non Tanain prope flumen orti. Cum prole matronisque nostris, Rite deos prius apprecati, 24. A paraphrase for 'Scythae'; 3. 29. 28: 25. nosque, and for us, we,' etc. 28. apprecati, only found in this place, and twice in Apuleius. 29. virtute functos, who have lived their lives like men.' Horace adapts the use of functus vita,' functus laboribus,' whose labours are over,' 2. 18. 38, of the dead, substituting a character of the life and its employments. Compare the prose expression in Cic. Tusc. 1. 45 nemo parum diu vixit qui virtutis perfecto functus est munere.' more patrum, with 'canemus.' Cicero twice (Tusc. 1. 2 and 4. 2) quotes the authority of Cato's Origines' for such a custom in earlier generations: 'solitos in epulis canere convivas ad tibicinem de clarorum virorum virtutibus.' ་ 25 30 30. Lydis. Possibly only a poetical epithet helping more patrum,' by suggesting the antiquity of the instrument; but in Epod. 9. 6 Horace seems to lay emphasis on a distinction of the Dorian and Phrygian modes, so that here he may designedly speak of the Lydian as the one most suitable for this occasion. In that case it may harmonise with the 'iocosi munera Liberi,' being classed by Plato (Rep. 3, p. 398) as one of the μαλακαὶ καὶ ξυμποτικαὶ ἁρ μονιαί. remixto; A. P. 151. The word is only found besides in two passages of Seneca. 32. progeniem Veneris; cp. C. S. 50 'Clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis.' So that their topics correspond to those of Od. 1. 12 (cp. 1. 12. 13 with v. 28 of this Ode): the gods, the heroes of Roman story, the Julian house, and Augustus its crowning glory. INTRODUCTION TO THE CARMEN SECULARE. AMONG the antiquarian and religious revivals of Augustus, Suetonius (Aug. 31) mentions the 'Ludi Seculares'; Dio (54. 18) fixes the date to the consulship of C. Furnius and C. Silanus, B.C. 17, but beyond this and the fact that it professed to be their fifth celebration, he tells us nothing. No full account of them is found earlier than Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 5 'de Seculo'), the writer on astrology in the second half of the 3rd century, who is supplemented by Zosimus (2. 5), the historian, in the middle of the 5th century. Tacitus (Ann. II. II) mentions their repetition in the reign of Claudius, A. D. 46, but declines to describe them, on the ground that he has already given in the Histories (in one of the Books now lost) a particular account of their celebration under Domitian, on which occasion he had had the fullest cognizance of their details, as being himself one of the quindecimviri' and a praetor. The games of which they professed to be the revival went under the Republic by the name of Tarentini (or Terentini) and Taurii, the former name being connected by all writers with the 'stagna Tarenti' or Terenti,' a spot at the north edge of the Campus Martius, near the river, once a swamp, and probably a warm spring (see Burn's Rome and the Campagna, p. 300), the locality of some of the ceremonies even in Augustus' celebration; the latter variously derived,by Servius (on Virg. Aen. 2. 140), from the 'taureae,' or sterile cows which were sacrificed. Their origin according to some of the authorities, according to others their second celebration, was ascribed to Val. Publicola. All agree that they had only been celebrated four times before the age of Augustus. There is no trace of the name 'Seculares' before that date, and what is said of the different celebrations goes to show that they were called forth by special emergencies, not by any recurrence of epochs. Still, there would seem to have been some tradition of such recurrence to justify Augustus' revival. On the dates of the celebrations Censorinus' authorities differed. 'seculum' itself was diversely given at 110, as by Horace, and 100 years, as by Val. Antias, Livy, and Varro, whom Censorinus quotes. The length of the The historical performances are at varying periods, but all with some reference to an intended secular date. Merivale writes, "The emperor Claudius repeated the games in the year A.U.c. 800, disregarding those of Augustus as irregular. Claudius was disregarded in his turn by Domitian, who renewed the celebration in 841, anticipating in his impatience, by six years, the period prescribed by Augustus. To the Augustan computation Severus conformed precisely, and repeated the solemnity in 957, after two intervals of 110 years each. Philippus, however, returned once more to the precedent of Claudius in the year of the City 1000. This was the last celebra tion.' The occasion of Augustus' revival or institution of these games was the close of what may be considered the first decade of the empire, the renewal to him (though professedly only for five years more), at his own request, of the 'imperium,' which in B.C. 27 he had, apparently with difficulty, been persuaded to accept for ten years. The quindecimviri' (see on v. 70, and cp. Virg. Aen. 6. 73), the custodians of the Sibylline Books, found in them the requisite instructions. Ateius Capito, a great jurist and antiquarian, was appointed to settle the ceremonies, and Horace to compose the hymn. Some doubt has been entertained whether this was to be performed in the temple of Apollo Palatinus on the third day of the festival (see below, extract from Zos. 1. 33), or during the sacrifices at the Tarentum on the first night (ib. 1. 21). Account of the Ceremonies from Zosimus. Τοιοῦτος δέ τις ὁ τρόπος αναγέγραπται τῆς ἑορτῆς. Περιϊόντες οἱ κήρυκες εἰς τὴν ἑορτὴν συνιέναι πάντας ἐκέλευον ἐπὶ θέαν, ἣν οὔτε πρότερον εἶδον, οὔτε μετὰ ταῦτα θεάσονται. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ὥραν τοῦ θέρους, πρὸ ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων τοῦ τὴν θεωρίαν ἀχθῆναι, ἐν τῷ Καπετωλίῳ καὶ ἐν τῷ νεῷ τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον οἱ δεκαπέντε ἄνδρες ἐπὶ βήματος καθήμενοι τῷ δήμῳ διανέμουσι τὰ καθάρσια· ταῦτα δέ ἐστι δᾷδες καὶ θεῖον καὶ ἄσφαλτος· δοῦλοι δὲ τούτων οὐ μετέχουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐλεύθεροι μόνοι. Συνελθόντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου παντὸς ἔν τε τοῖς ῥηθεῖσι τόποις καὶ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς ̓Αρτέμιδος, ὃ ἐν τῷ ̓Αουεντίνῳ λόφῳ καθί δρυται, σῖτον καὶ κριθὴν ἕκαστος φέρει καὶ κύαμον. (Cp. Sibyll. ν. 27.) Καὶ ταῖς Μοίραις ἄγουσι παννυχίδας μετὰ σεμνότητος ἐν (ἐννέα Heyne) νυξίν. Ενστάντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου τῆς ἑορτῆς, ἣν ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐν τῷ τοῦ ̓́Αρεως ἐπιτελοῦσι πεδίῳ, καὶ ταῖς ἴσαις νυξί, καθιεροῦτο τὰ τελούμενα παρὰ τὴν ὄχθην τοῦ Θύμβριδος ἐν τῷ Τάραντι. Θύουσι δὲ θεοῖς, Διὶ καὶ Ἥρᾳ καὶ ̓Απόλλωνι καὶ Λητοῖ καὶ ̓Αρτέμιδι, καὶ προσέτι γε Μοίραις καὶ Εἰλειθυίαις καὶ Δήμητρι καὶ "Αιδῃ καὶ Περσεφόνῃ. Τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ τῶν θεωριῶν νυκτὶ δευτέρας ὥρας ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπὶ τὴν ὄχθην τοῦ ποταμοῦ τριῶν παρασκευασθέν των βωμών τρεῖς ἄρνας θύει μετὰ τῶν δεκαπέντε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς καθαιμάξας ὁλοκαυτοῖ τὰ θύματα. Κατασκευασθείσης δὲ σκηνῆς δίκην θεάτρου φῶτα ἀνάπτεται καὶ πυρά, καὶ ὕμνος ᾄδεται νεωστὶ πεποιημένος, θεωρίαι τε ἱεροπρεπεῖς ἄγονται. Κομίζονται δὲ οἱ ταῦτα ποιοῦντες μισθὸν τὰς ἀπαρχὰς τῶν καρπῶν, σίτου καὶ κριθῆς καὶ κυάμων· αὗται γάρ, ὡς εἴρηταί μοι, καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παντὶ διανέμονται. Τῇ δὲ μετὰ ταύτην ἡμέρᾳ εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀναβάντες κἀνταῦθα τὰς νενομισμένας θυσίας προσαγαγόντες, ἐντεῦθέν τε ἐπὶ τὸ κατεσκευασμένον θέατρον ἐλθόντες τὰς θεωρίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν ̓Απόλλωνι καὶ ̓Αρτέ μιδι. Τῇ δὲ μετὰ ταύτην ἡμέρᾳ γυναῖκες ἐπίσημοι κατὰ τὴν ὥραν, ἣν ὁ χρησμὸς ὑπηγόρευσεν, εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον συνελθοῦσαι λιτανεύουσι τὸν θεὸν καὶ ὑμνοῦσιν ὡς θέμις. Ημέρᾳ δὲ τρίτῃ ἐν τῷ κατὰ τὸ Παλάτιον Απόλλωνος ἱερῷ τρὶς ἐννέα παῖδες ἐπιφανεῖς μετὰ παρθέ νων τοσούτων, οἳ πάντες ἀμφιθαλεῖς, ὅπερ ἐστίν, ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς γονεῖς ἔχοντες περιόντας, ὕμνους ᾄδουσι τῇ τε Ελλήνων καὶ Ῥωμαίων φωνῇ καὶ παιᾶνας, δι' ὧν αἱ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις σώζονται πόλεις ἄλλα τε κατὰ τὸν ὑφηγημένον παρὰ τοῦ θείου τρόπον ἐπράττετο, ὧν ἐπιτελουμένων διέμεινεν ἡ ἀρχὴ Ῥωμαίων ἀλώβητος. Ως ἂν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀληθῆ ταῦτα εἶναι πιστεύσωμεν, αὐτὸν παραθήσομαι τὸν Σιβύλλης χρησμόν, ἤδη πρὸ ἡμῶν παρ' ἑτέρων ἀνενηγμένον· ̓Αλλ ̓ ὁπόταν μήκιστος ἵκῃ χρόνος ἀνθρώποισι |