cotton supply, to offset that possessed by Great Britain in India, and designs to effect this purpose by taking under its protection the State of Texas, which, after being acknowledged as an independent republic, would, in its opinion, be in effect as dependent on France and as subservient to French interests as if a French colony.

It is more than probable that both these considerations would have weight in the councils of the French cabinet, and we are not without suspicion that the tortuous diplomacy of Mr. Seward may have had some influence in inspiring such designs. The desire to weaken the confederacy, to exhibit it to the world as "a rope of sand," without consistence or cohesion, and therefore not worthy of recognition as an independent member of the family of nations, would afford ample motives for the adoption of such a course by the cabinet of the United States, which is driven to a diplomacy of expedients in the desperate effort to avert the impending doom which awaits the party now in power in Washington. One other suggestion occurs to me, which you may receive as purely conjectural on my part. It is known to me personally that at the date of the annexation of Texas to the United States, Mr. Dubois de Saligny, the present French minister in Mexico, and who was at that time French chargé d'affaires to the republic of Texas, was vehemently opposed to the annexation, and was active in endeavoring to obstruct and prevent it. Even at that date the despatches of Mr. Guizot, which I had an opportunity of reading, were filled with arguments to show that the interests of Texas were identical with those of France, and that both would be promoted by the maintenance of a separate nationality in Texas. The intrigue now on foot, therefore, accords completely with a policy in regard to Texas that may be almost said to be traditional with France; and it is not impossible that the movement of the consular agents here has received its first impulse from the French legation in Mexico, instead of the cabinet of the Tuilleries.

These movements are not considered as having the slightest importance so far as their effect on Texas is concerned. The answers of Governor Lubbock and the letter' of Mr. Oldham will satisfy you how little those gentlemen were disposed to encourage such attempts, while the popular feeling in Texas is best evinced by the fact that she has seventy regiments of volunteers in our army. But the evidence thus afforded of a disposition on the part of France to seize on this crisis of our fate as her occasion for the promotion of selfish interests, and this too after the assurances of friendly disposition, or, at worst, impartial neutrality, which you have received from the leading public men of France, cannot but awaken solicitude; and the president trusts that you will use every effort to discover the source, extent, and designs of these intrigues, and whether the United States are parties to them. It may perhaps be in your power to make use of this discovery also by awakening the British government to a sense of the fact that designs are entertained of which that government is not probably aware, and which it may be unwilling to see accomplished.

An enlarged and generous statesmanship would seem to indicate so clearly that the establishment of southern independence on a secure basis (and with a strength sufficient to counterbalance the power of the United States as well as to prevent extensive French colonization on our southern border) would promote the true interests of Great Britain, that we find it difficult to account for her persistent refusal to recognize our independence. The knowledge of a secret attempt on the part of France to obtain separate advantages of such vast magnitude may perhaps induce a change in the views of the British cabinet. I speak of the attempt as secret, for it is scarcely possible to suppose that the action of the French agents is taken with the concurrence or connivance of the British government. If you come to the conclusion that these conjectures are well founded, you are at liberty to make known to her Majesty's government the facts herein communicated, either through the British minister at Paris or by concert with Mr. Mason. It is deemed desirable that in either event you should advise Mr. Mason of the course you may adopt, as it is very probable that the English government will learn from Richmond the fact of the expulsion of the consuls, and the cause of the action of this government, which, from its very nature, is accompanied with some degree of publicity.

I enclose to Mr. Mason, for his information, a copy of this communication.
Your obedient servant,

Hon. JOHN SLIDELL, Commissioner, &c., &c., Paris.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.

OCTOBER 20, 1862.

P. S. Since the foregoing was written I have had an interview with Mr. Tabouelle, and from the explanations offered by him, and certain facts which have come to my knowledge, I have become satisfied that, notwithstanding the singular coincidence between his conversation with Mr. Oldham and the communication of Mr. Theron to Governor Lubbock, there was no concert of action between them, and that Tabouelle is no party to the intrigue referred to. The order for his expulsion has been therefore revoked, as you will perceive by the annexed copy of a letter to him, marked E.

It is barely possible, though I think not probable, that Théron may have acted on his own ideas of what he supposed would be agreeable to his superiors, and not in consequence of instructions. The whole matter is one of great delicacy, and I must leave it to your own discretion how best to treat it, after endeavoring to satisfy yourself whether Theron's movements were dictated by the French cabinet.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.

[Private and confidential.]

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Austin, Texas, September 11, 1862.

SIR 1 have the honor to forward for your consideration the enclosed copies of letters, the one (marked A) from the French and Spanish consul at Galveston, the other (marked B) being my reply thereto.

As the proceeding of the said consul would seem to indicate an incipient intrigue, I have deemed it proper to advise you thereof on the threshold.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant,

His Excellency JEFFERSON DAVIS,

F. R. LUBBOCK.

President, &c., Richmond, Va.

A.
[Confidential.]

Consulate Agency for France and Vice-Consulate for Spain in Galveston.

GALVESTON, August 18, 1862.

SIR: Will you be kind enough to inform me confidentially of your personal opinion on the following questions:

1st. The annexation of the republic of Texas to the United States was or was not a good political measure?

2d. The act of disunion and of the junction of the State of Texas to the southern States was or was not another good or bad polític taken by the State? and

3d. The re-establishment of the old republic of Texas will or will not be beneficial to our beloved adopted country?

Your answer to these questions, sir, will serve me as a guide in my political correspondence with the governments which I have the honor to represent.

I bave the honor, sir, and with very much respect, to be your obedient servant,

His Excellency F. R. LUBBOCK,

Governor of the State of Texas.

B. THERON, French and Spanish Consul.

I certify the above and foregoing to be a true copy of the original now on file in the executive department at Austin, Texas.

JAMES PAUL, Private Secretary.

B.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Austin, Texas, September 9, 1862.

SIR: Your communication of the 18th ultimo is before me, and contents duly noted. In answer to your first interrogatory, permit me to say that the annexation of Texas to the United States was a good political measure.

As to your second question, I answer most emphatically that "the act of disunion and of the junction of the state of Texas to the southern States was a good and proper political step."

In reply to your third inquiry, I have to say "the re establishment of the old republic of Texas will not be beneficial to our beloved adopted country."

Texas has linked her fate with that of her sisters of the south. She will be true, steadfast, and victorious.

I have the honor to be yours, very respectfully,

SIR: On to-day Mons. Tabouelle, French vice-consul at Richmond, sought an introduction to me in the senate chamber, and stated that he desired to obtain from me certain statistical information in regard to Texas. I told him that I did not then have the time to give him the desired information, but if he would call at my room I would take pleasure in giving him any information which I possessed. He promised to call this evening, which he did, and has just left my room. I deem it proper to give you the substance of

the conversation between us, as it had a connexion with the subject-matter of the correspondence between the governor of Texas and the French consular agent at Galveston, of which you advised General Wigfall and myself a few days since.

After I had furnished him with information in regard to the area, population, debts, taxes, and agricultural productive capacity of Texas, he remarked that the resources of the State were magnificent, and capable of supporting a powerful and independent people, and then asked me whether I thought it would not be to the interest of the State to assume an independent nationality. I told him that the people of Texas, being mostly emigrants from the old southern States, were strongly attached to those States and to our federative system of government, which I at some length explained to him. I told him that they never could have been induced to secede from the United States but to preserve that form of government, which was in danger of being destroyed. I further stated to him that not only the affections and sympathies, but also the interests of the people of Texas bound them to the States of the confederacy; that their institutions, pursuits, and agricultural products were the same, and that mutual safety required harmony amongst them, which could only be insured by a confederacy; that as a separate and independent State Texas would be weak and incapable of self-defence; that we were sensible that we would be subject to be involved in collisions with our sister southern States; that the similarity of institutions and productions, which are now bonds of union and the cause of harmony, would become causes of rivalries, jealousies, and perhaps wars between the States; that in the confederacy we would not be a weak and dependent people, incapable of resenting insult or repelling aggression. The subject was then waived, and we talked of other matters.

But for the fact you had called my attention to the correspondence between the governor of Texas and the French consular agent at Galveston, this conversation would perhaps have made no impression upon my mind; but as an introduction to me was sought by the vice-consul, with the view to obtain statistical information in regard to Texas, and the subject of the separate independence of that State was thus introduced by him, it struck me that it was not casual or accidental. He furthermore stated to me that he had written to the consular agent at Galveston for information upon the resources of Texas, and had received from him a specimen or sample of Texas wool which he either had or intended to send to France.

I have deemed it proper to communicate the foregoing to you, as affording confirmatory evidence to the conclusion that it is the object of Louis Napoleon, and perhaps of other of the European powers, to induce Texas to assume an independent nationality. The fact communicated by you to General Wigfall and myself put me on my guard, and caused me to be more explicit and specific than I might otherwise have been, for the purpose of dissipating such a design if it exists, and to induce whatever steps that may be taken to be for the benefit of the entire confederacy.

I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

His Excellency JEFFERSON DAVIS, President, &c.

W. S. OLDHAM.

C.

Mr. Benjamin to Mr. Théron.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Richmond, October 17, 1862.

SIR: The governor of Texas has communicated to the president a correspondence between him and yourself, in which you plainly attempted to induce the governor to enter into some understanding or arrangement for the withdrawal of Texas from this confederacy. This attempt on your part is considered by the president as an abuse of the hospitality of the confederacy, and as indicating hostility on your part to this government and people. Your presence within the confederacy can no longer be permitted. You are therefore required to depart immediately, and not to return without the previous permission of this government. I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

Mr. B. THERON,

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.

French Consular Agent, and Vice-Consul for Spain, Galveston, Texas.

Mr. Benjamin to Major General Magruder.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Richmond, October 17, 1862.

SIR: Herewith you will find enclosed a letter addressed to Mr. B. Théron, French consular agent and vice-consul for Spain at Galveston, Texas, requiring that functionary to depart immediately from the confederacy.

The president requests that you will have this order executed as promptly as can be done without undue harshness, and that you have Mr. Théron conveyed under surveillance to Matamoras, or other convenient point on the Mexican frontier, whence he can depart for Europe if he chooses.

Mr. Theron will be allowed to make such disposal of the books and papers of his consulate as he may deem proper.

Please acknowledge receipt of this communication.

SIR: The honorable Mr. Oldham, senator from the State of Texas, having communicated to the president the substance of a conversation held with you on the 13th instant, in the course of which you sought to impress on that senator the conviction that it would be for the interest of the State of Texas to separate herself from this confederacy, I am instructed by the president to inform you that your presence within the confederacy can no longer be permitted, your conduct being considered hostile to this government and people.

You are therefore required to depart from the confederacy, and not to return without the previous permission of this government. You will prepare to leave by the flag-of-truce boat, which will depart on the 18th instant.

I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

Monsieur TALQUELLE,

Vice-Consul of France, Richmond.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.

E.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Richmond, October 18, 1862.

SIR: I have seen the president since my interview with yourself and Mr. Giles this morning, and having taken into consideration your explanations in relation to your interview with Mr. Oldham, and the other facts stated by you, the president is satisfied that your conversation with Mr. Oldham was not prompted by any hostility to this government, and that you are not connected with the intrigue known to exist having for its object to induce the withdrawal of the State of Texas from this confederacy. You will therefore consider the order to depart from the confederacy as withdrawn, and you will remain at liberty to reside here as heretofore.

SIR: Since writing my No. 7, of 17th and 20th instant, I have received from the hand of Mr. Fearn (who arrived on 25th instant) your No. 10, of 25th July, with its very interesting reports of your interviews with the Emperor of the French and Mr. Thouvenel. I had previously received (on 21st instant) your private letter of 18th September, forwarded through Mr. Mason, this last having reached me in a shorter time than any communication hitherto had with Europe, and demonstration the great value of the new means of intercourse now opened and which we hope to maintain. Mr. Mason will explain to you the details of the new arrangement, and your best course will be to forward your future despatches through him.

The voluminous contents of your despatch and that of Mr. Mason have prevented their communication to the president, with whom I desire to confer before answering you. The president is for the moment deeply engaged in military matters, and in endeavors to repair by new combinations the evils resulting from the failure of the Kentucky campaign, which has eventuated in none of the happy consequences which we so confidently hoped. The only gain has been the capture of a very large amount of supplies.

I have no time to add anything by this conveyance, but another opportunity will offer in a few days for a full despatch.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Hon. JOHN SLIDELL, &c., &c., &c., Paris.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of State.

P. S.-Mrs. Davis begs me to say that she anticipates with eagerness the promised letter from your daughter, which has not yet reached Richmond.

Mr. Benjamin to Mr. De Leon.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

No. 2.]

Richmond, December 13, 1862.

SIR: I avail myself of an unexpected opportunity to acknowledge receipt of your Nos. 1 and 2. They have been read with lively interest, and you will not fail to keep the department fully advised of your conclusions as to the probable action of European powers as fast as their views are developed, either through the press or other agencies.

The president has been so fully occupied with military matters that it has been scarcely possible for me to confer with him at length on the matters suggested by you, and he has just departed very suddenly for a tour in the southwest, where his presence was greatly needed to restore affairs and to impart renewed energy and activity to our military operations. On his return I will take measures to forward you additional means to enable you to extend the field of your operations, and to embrace, if possible, the press of central Europe in your campaign. Austria and Prussia, as well as the smaller Germanic powers, seem to require intelligence of the true condition of our affairs and of the nature of our struggle,