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that a courier started for Petersburgh this morning, at eight o'clock, with a manuscript letter from his Majesty to the Emperor Alexander. Of the contents of this letter, however, nothing is known. Notwithstanding the late war in the Crimea, the personal relations between these two imperial personages are said to be good.

*

I am, sir,

your

*

*

obedient servant,

*

*

WM. L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State, &c.

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

No. 277.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

SIR: Your despatch No. 297* was received by me on the 24th instant. It was PARIS, February 26, 1863. immediately copied and yesterday read to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys; the copy, at his request, being left with him. He listened attentively to its reading, and at the close said, that his suggestion to our government had been made in a kind spirit, and he believed the reply to be in a like spirit; that he was not disposed to make the reply or its suggestions the subject of debate or argument; that he did not know, I think he added, if he had any right to do so. would read again the copy of the despatch left with him, and consider it more He said that he carefully than he could from having heard it once read only. There was nothing in the manner of Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys to indicate that he was disappointed in the result. I should add, however, that he had already been apprised of it by a short communication from Mr. Mercier. He said Mr. Mercier had informed him by a brief note that you would give a negative answer, but in all respects a kind one. This I told him you had done, and called his attention to the prefatory remarks in your despatch as an evidence of the spirit and kind feeling in which his suggestion had been received by our government.

The conversation closed without any intimation from Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys of further or ulterior purposes upon the part of this government. I could not, for obvious reasons, assume to question him as to whether such purposes did or did not exist.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,
His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,
Secretary of State, &c.

WM. L. DAYTON. ·

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, February 26, 1863.

No. 279.]

SIR: I herewith enclose to you a printed copy of a brief address recently issued at Paris by the Protestant clergymen of France, directed to the pastors and ministers of all evangelical denominations in Great Britain.

and scope

The character

of this address will be best understood by reading it. I am informed it will be largely signed in France.

NOTE.-Tue despatch No. 297 was published in Senate Executive Document No. 38, 37th Congress, 3d session, p. 13, on the subject of mediation, &c.

I need not say that I have had nothing to do with getting this matter up. It is a voluntary appeal by the Protestant clergy of France to their brethren. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

WM. L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State.

[Translation.]

The Protestant Pastors of France of every denomination to the Pastors and Ministers of all Evangelical Denominations in Great Britain.

PARIS, February 12, 1863.

BROTHERS HONORED and beloveD IN THE LORD: It is the glory of England to have given to the world the example of abolishing, first, the slave trade, and then slavery. It is her glory not to have intermitted during sixty years the prosecution of the work of the universal extinction of the traffic and of slavery, at the cost, it is said, of fifty millions of pounds sterling; and it is, after God, to the religious men-to the Clarksons, the Wilberforces, the Buxtons-it is to the missionary societies, that England owes this glory. Will not the sons and successors of those great Christians complete their work, in urging their country to declare aloud for the holy cause of emancipation of the slaves in the terrible strife which, at this moment, rends the United States of America?

The civilized world has contemplated nothing more revolting than a confederation, in great part Protestant, organizing itself, and claiming independence, with the openly avowed intention of maintaining and propagating slavery; and laying as the corner-stone of its constitution the system of slavery actually in existence in the southern States, and which may be defined to be the right to treat men as cattle, and give impunity to adultery and homicide. Let us lay aside all considerations of policy. Is there a Christian who does not shudder when he hears the chief of this confederation reply to a decree of emancipation by a sort of menace of extermination? The triumph of such a cause would throw back for a century that of Christian civilization and of humanity; would cause angels in heaven to weep, and would rejoice the demons in hell; throughout the world, probably, raise the hopes of the favorers of slavery and the trade, quite ready to come forth at the first signal in Asia, in Africa, and even in our refined cities of Europe; would give a sad blow to the work of evangelical missions; and what a terrible responsibility would it impose on the church which should remain mute whilst witnessing the accomplishment of this triumph! There is a pacific means of hastening the close of the war and of bringing it to conform with the wishes of all friends of humanity; is it not that the Christians of Europe should give to the cause of emancipation of the slaves a striking testimonial that may leave only to those who are fighting to maintain the power to oppress them no hope to find these Christians ever offering to them the hand. Pastors, ministers of all evangelical denominations of England, of Scotland, of Ireland, it is in this we have need of your concurrence, of your example, of your influence. Place yourselves at our head, and stir up altogether a great and peaceful demonstration of sympathy for the black race, so long enchained and abased by Christian nations.

Discourage thus the partisans of slavery, fortify and strengthen those who would aboli-h it, whilst preparing them to accept our counsels. It is in free England that such manifestations may be powerful. What may we not hope, if throughout Great Britain the voice of all the ministers of the Crucified, and in France our voice echoing theirs, should pray and petition that soon there may not be in the United States a single black man who is not free, a single black not upon equality with the white.

May God so will it, and may he bless both Great Britain and the United States, through Christ the great Liberator. THE PROTESTANT PASTORS OF FRANCE OF EVERY DENOMINATION.

No. 308.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton.

DEPARTMENT of State,

Washington, March 2, 1863.

SIR: Your despatch of February 13, No. 269, has been received. The President receives with satisfaction the voluntary explanations of Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, in denial of the design attributed to the French government

in regard to Texas in the intercepted correspondence of the insurgents. No importance has at any time been attached to that imputation by this government, while no one here has failed to see that the alarm which the transaction produced in the insurrectionary councils betrays the weakness of an elementary principle of their cause.

We have indeed suffered severely by a mercenary combination of political agencies for influencing public opinion in Europe against us. But the evil is probably much less than it would have been if we had followed the insurgents into the market to compete with them for venial support among the organs of public opinion. The honor and good name of the government have been preserved, and its virtue maintained. European prejudices have worked their utmost effect here, and produced a wholesome reaction. Warnings of intervention now serve no other purpose than to invigorate a determined perseverance in the maintenance of the integrity of the Union. It now remains for those who have so persistently practiced upon the credulity of Europe to meet an emergency which they have not anticipated.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: Your despatch of February 5, No. 265, has been received, and is approved.

Notice of the anticipated shipment of pistols from Paris will be given to the Secretary of the Navy.

Congress is on the eve of adjourning. Its measures are vigorous as well as judicious. We are not likely to seek a strife with any foreign nation, and certainly not with France. It has not been the fault of this government, nor even in harmony with its wishes, that apprehensions of unfriendliness on the part of our first and most constant ally have taken partial possession of some impatient minds in the country, and awakened popular debates in the press, and even in Congress. Notwithstanding these debates, this country will remain friendly henceforth and forever, if its rights and honor continue to be respected, as they have hitherto been by every government of France which has existed during the last half century.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., sx., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

No. 282.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, March 5, 1863.

SIR: I have the honor to enclose you herewith a translation of a communication received from the foreign office, and which relates to matter contained in your despatch No. 227, of September 30th last.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

WILLIAM L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State, &c.

[Translation.]

PARIS, January 30, 1863. Monsieur the minister of the United States, by order of his government, communicated to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, in the month of November last, a despatch from the Secretary of State, of Washington, relative to the facilities which foreign governments might, under the present circumstances, find for recruiting for their colouies willing workmen amongst the great number of blacks who reside in a state of liberty upon the federal territory. The minister of foreign affairs of the Emperor has been obliged, before thinking of following up the overtures which were addressed to him upon this occasion, to demand of the legation of his Majesty at Washington certain indispensable information upon different points of detail connected with this question. Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, consequently, is not able to give to Mr. Dayton the answer which he has expressed the desire of obtaining so long as this expected information shall not be transmitted by Mr. Mercier, and he can only contine himself, therefore, for the present, to making known to him this circumstance.

No. 285.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, March 11, 1863.

SIR: I enclose you, by the present steamer, an English copy of the translation of the speech of M. Billault, "minister sans portefeuille," on the French invasion of Mexico, delivered in the corps législatif on the 7th of February last. This speech has, doubtless, been translated and published in England at the instance of the French government. M. Billault is, as you know, one of the most eloquent debaters in France, and on the floor of the Chambers acts, in this matter of Mexico, as the mouthpiece of the government. The Moniteur, of

this morning, says that a copy of this speech has been laid on the desk of each of the members of the British Parliament. Two copies have been furnished to me, one, at least, of which was, doubtless, intended for my government. You will draw your own inferences from this course of proceeding on the part of this government.

I am, sir, your

obedient servant,

WILLIAM L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State, &c.

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

No. 286.] PARIS, March 13, 1863. SIR: From information, received through different sources, I am inclined to believe that arrangements have been made with the house of Erlanger & Co., Frankfort, for a loan to the confederates of £3,000,000, to be secured by a pledge of cotton to an extent vastly disproportionate to the amount of the loan. This house of Erlanger is a German Jew house, having its principal place of business at Frankfort, with branches or agencies at other points, one of which is here. This branch, I learn, is in charge of the son of the head of the house at Frankfort. I am informed by Mr. Murphy, our consul general at Frankfort, that it is said there that the cotton which is to be hypothecated is to be collected in the interior of the country, or, if possible, placed in the hands of the French consul at Richmond. If the latter should be done, it would be in the hope, as he truly says, of dragging the French government into a recognition of the affair, and making its protection a kind of security for the loan.

I have been somewhat doubtful whether it would be wise, at present, to

speak of these reports to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys, though, if a favorable opportunity occur, I shall do so. If the loan should be made, it would probably be made in the name of the German house, and not quoted on the French bourse. I understand that no loan can be quoted there without the authority of this government.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: Your despatch of February 26, No. 279, has been received, and I have read with deep interest the paper which accompanies it. The appeal of the Protestant clergy of France to their religious brethren of Great Britain on the subject of the civil war of the United States is so vigorous and just as to deserve the thanks of the whole American people.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: I have to thank you for your despatch No. 277, of the 26th ultimo, relative to my despatch to you of the 6th of last month, on the subject of French mediation in our affairs, and to inform you that it is approved.

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SIR: Your despatches Nos. 308, 309, and 310 have been received.

I refer to despatch No. 304, in reference to the law authorizing the President to issue letters of marque and reprisal, only for the purpose of saying that I have made to Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys the explanations therein directed. I did this as a matter of precaution only. As a general rule, it is wisest, I think, to wait for complaints before explanations are volunteered; but I have found by experience that Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys sometimes acts upon supposed facts without notice to me in advance, and therefore, where I am charged with explanations to be made at discretion, feel it safest to make them at once.

I informed Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys in the same interview that you had written to me that I must "give no credit to rumors of alienation between Mr. Mercier and our government," and I read to him, likewise, the kind remarks made by

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