Mr. James Broadbent moved the second resolution, which was as follows: That this meeting admires and approves of the emancipation policy which President Lincoln and his colleagues have adopted as the best means of destroying slavery, and delivering their country from the contempt and reproach of the world; and such policy is entitled to our warmest sympathy and support. Mr. William Stephenson proposed the third resolution : That our hearty thanks be given to the people of the free States of North America, who have so generously assisted the operatives of Lancashire in their distress; and we hail with pleasure the arrival of the George Griswold and other ships as a tangible expression of good feeling, and the strongest refutation of the common charges of hatred and malice attributed to the Americans towards this country. No. 343.] Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Deeming it no more than proper to acknowledge Lord Russell's note to me of the 28th ultimo, a copy of which was sent with my despatch No. 338 of last week, I now submit a copy of my reply. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Adams to Lord Russell. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, MY LORD: I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of your lordship's note of the 28th ultimo. Deeply regretting the misconduct of her Majesty's consul at Mobile, so much calculated to shake the security of my government in the good faith of persons to whom it is always desirous to extend every courtesy, I shall derive great satisfaction in reporting the prompt action taken by your lordship in dismissing the principal party to the offence. I pray your lordship to accept the assurances of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Right Honorable EARL RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward. No. 344.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The attention of the public is now so fixed upon the approaching festivities connected with the marriage of the Prince of Wales that the interest in other questions is for a time suspended. But for this it can scarcely be doubted that this week's intelligence from America would have produced a great effect. It is not generally believed here that the French Emperor contemplates any immediate action. The popular outbreak in Poland, coupled with the secret agreement entered into by Russia and Prussia, presents a new subject of more pressing importance, which requires consideration until disposed of, at least so far as to avert the risk of war. In the meanwhile the embarrassment attending the Mexican expedition is rather on the increase. The accounts do not come so favorable as was hoped. A heavy extraordinary expenditure, incurred many months ago, seriously changing the character of the annual budget, has just been declared, and it must be followed by still heavier demands. It is therefore not at all probable that a new complication will be hazarded, unless with better prospects of support than have yet been held out from the United States. That the French government had been more or less deluded by the solicitation of disloyal people in the city of New York and elsewhere can scarcely admit of a doubt. I am occasionally made aware of the pressure of a similar influence on this side of the channel. This is the greatest danger against which our country has to struggle. But for this disloyal element among ourselves the spirit of the insurrection would have been worn out long ago. I trust that its machinations will fail, and that the success of our arms may yet come in time to save us from its effects. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: The recent capture and destruction of the Jacob Bell, with her cargo, valued at one and a half million, by the piratical steam vessel the Florida, fitted out and despatched from Liverpool, is regarded by the merchants in our seaports as indicating nothing less than a destruction of our national navigating interest, unless that calamity can be prevented by either the enforcement of the neutrality law of Great Britain, or the employment of an adequate force under commissions of marque and reprisal. Congress has conferred upon the President ample power for the execution of the latter measure, and the necessary arrangements for it are now engaging the attention of the proper departments. It is not without great reluctance that the President is coming to the adoption of that policy. But the preservation of the national life is a supreme necessity; and if there shall be no improvement in the condition of things to which I have adverted, the voice of the nation for the adoption of this last form of maritime war is likely to become unanimous and exacting. The President thinks the emergency sufficiently grave to justify me in asking you to seek, with as little delay as may be convenient, an interview with Earl Russell, in which you will confidentially make known to him the exact condition of affairs in the respect mentioned, and submit for his lordship's consideration the inquiry whether her Majesty's government cannot think it proper and possible to secure the adoption of some means to prevent effectually the further armament, equipment, and despatch of hostile vessels from British ports for the destruction of American commerce. The argument, as it is put in American commercial circles, is, that war is carried on against the United States by forces levied and despatched from the British islands, while the United States are at peace with Great Britain. Though we may regard this statement of the case as extravagant, if not altogether erroneous, it cannot be concealed that it has sufficient appearance of truth on this side of the ocean to render it necessary to protect our commerce by employing every possible means of defence. It is hardly necessary to say that the government of the United States means, in adopting this course, anything else rather than a demonstration upon the sentiment or sensibilities of Great Britain. It seeks only, in a calm and confidential though earnest manner, to prevent an alienation between the two countries, which must be deeply disastrous to both, while it would grieve and afflict the friends of constitutional government, of freedom and humanity, throughout the world. We have thought that we were securing a more considerate view of our rights in the councils of the British government with the consent of the British nation. We are therefore more earnestly and sincerely, than ever before, desirous to avoid new embarrassments with Great Britain. Her Majesty's government will do us great injustice if they do not understand us as speaking solely under the influence of these just and generous sentiments. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., Sr., &c., Sr. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 507.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 19th of February, (No. 327.) In previous communications I have given you the President's authority to exercise your own highly esteemed discretion in regard to the form and manner of replying, for him, to addresses heretofore received by him from assemblies in various parts of Great Britain. I am now to request you to perform the pleasing duty of bestowing a similar recognition in his behalf upon the very interesting and reassuring proceedings of the meetings which have recently been held at Middletown, in Lancashire, and Aberdane, in South Wales, notice of which accompanied the despatch which is now before me. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 509.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch (No. 331) of the 19th ultimo, relative to the resolutions of the New York Mutual Insurance Company, concerning depredations committed by the piratical steamer Alabama, and to inform you that your proceedings as therein stated are approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., fr., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 510.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: Your despatch (No. 333) of the 20th ultimo has been received, and the note which you addressed to Earl Russell, on receiving intelligence of the arrival of the Sumter at Liverpool, is approved. SIR: The law officers of the crown having consumed some weeks in meditating on my several notes to Lord Russell, of the 9th, the 16th, and the 19th of February, copies of which were submitted to you in my respective despatches, Nos. 322, 331, and 333, appear to have relapsed into their old theory of want of power to do anything at all to protect a friendly nation from the hostilities of British subjects who knowingly violate the injunctions of the Queen's procla mation. I now have the honor to transmit copies of notes from Lord Russell, all dated the 9th instant, respectively, in answer to mine already mentioned. I mention them all in one letter, because they differ only in relation to the details, and all equally rest on the practical abnegation of will as well as of power to perform obvious international obligations. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. [Enclosures.] 1. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams, March 9, 1863, on intercepted correspondence. 2. The same to the same, March 9, 1863, on the Sumter at Liverpool. 3. The same to the same, March 9, 1863, on claim of New York Mutual Insurance Company for ravages of No. 290. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE March 9, 1863. SIR: With reference to my letter of the 12th ultimo, I have the honor to inform you that her Majesty's government have fully considered, in communication with the law officers of the crown, the copies of intercepted correspondence enclosed in your letter of the 9th ultimo, and which you represent as showing "a deliberate attempt to establish within the limits of this kingdom a system of action in direct hostility to the government of the United States; this plan embracing not only the building and fitting out of several ships-of-war under the direction of agents especially commissioned for the purpose, but the preparation of a series of measures, under the same auspices, for the obtaining from her Majesty's subjects 'the pecuniary means essential' to the execution of these hostile projects." I have now to state to you that this correspondence does not appear to her Majesty's government to contain any sufficient evidence of "a system of action in direct hostility to the United States" on the part of any of her Majesty's subjects. It goes merely to show that agents of the so-called Confederate States, resident in this country, have received instructions from their own government to endeavor to raise money on securities of that government in England, and to enter into contracts for the purchase of munitions of war, and for the building of iron-clad vessels; but there is no proof in these papers that the agents referred to have as yet brought themselves within the reach of any criminal law of the United Kingdom; for, even supposing that they have acted on their instructions, it is not contrary to law for her Majesty's subjects to lend money, on securities or otherwise, to the persons administering the government of the Confederate States, nor to sell to that government ordinary munitions of war. With respect to the building of iron-clad steamers for either belligerent government, although this is clearly prohibited by the foreign enlistment act, her Majesty's government do not find in this correspondence sufficient information that anything of that kind has actually been done within this country which could form matter for a criminal prosecution. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your obedient, humble servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c. &c. RUSSELL. Lord Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE, March 9, 1863. SIR: I have the honor to inform you that her Majesty's government have had under their consideration, in communication with the proper law advisers of the crown, your letter of 16th ultimo, stating that you had received information of the arrival of the steamer Sumter at Liverpool, and calling my attention to the bearing on this case of her Majesty's proclamation limiting the stay within British ports of vessels-of-war belonging to either of the belligerent parties. I have now to inform you that her Majesty's government, in the present state of their information on the subject, are unable to assume, as you appear to do, that the ship lately called the Sumter has not been legally and bona fide sold to a British owner for commercial and peaceful purposes; and, unless it were established that the sale was merely fictitious, her Majesty's proclamation, to which you refer, cannot be deemed applicable to that vessel in the port of Liverpool. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. RUSSELL. |