and beyond it. On the east coast the railway is being driven right into the heart of the Continent; from the Cape it extends nearly 2,000 miles, and in various other directions the country is being opened up. What does that mean? It means that our English people in their eagerness for commerce and money-making are driving their way right into the heart of some scores of millions of the black races of the world, races which hitherto have only known the presence of men they respected, missionaries and administrators who had a deep sense of responsibility; but now make acquaintance with the greedy trader and drunken navvy or miner? Do you think we can shirk our responsibility to those millions of people there? Not a bit of it! I have told people in England that a man ought not to be allowed to go to South Africa unless he is a man of strong moral purpose. Go to Johannesburg and you will find in the mines about two hundred thousand natives drawn from all parts of Africa to pick up the vices of our race and then to be thrown back among their own people.

Look at this problem from the educational side. You know the trouble with the negro is that he wants an idle life, wants to work just as little as he can; he does not want, at least in his native state, to do a thing more than he can possibly help. I merely mention this as an illustration of the kind of educational problem we meet there. I was in South Africa a while ago and I went to Lovedale, where there is the great institution which some of you have heard of, where they have several hundreds of coloured young men and women drawn from the very heart of Africa. There were among them the children of many of the great chiefs. After I had looked around the place all day, the principal with whom I was staying asked me if I would mind addressing them. I don't think I ever felt more perplexed in my life than when I went to address these men. The hall was packed with several hundreds of these black faces looking up at me, absolutely impassive but with open ears and eyes to hear what I had to say. I took the Gospel of Work for my text. I said: "You have come here to get our civilization and and you see sowing-machines, reaping

machines, steamboats, railways, and engines. Every one of these things represents not only men who got up early in the morning and worked until late at night during their lives, but this work has gone on for generation after generation, and every one of these products of civilization is the result of generations of people who took everything out of themselves to produce these things. I know of no other way in which you can get it; it is by working morning, noon, and night." (Laughter) I went away not knowing at all whether I had even reached their thoughts, but six months later one of the professors from Lovedale stepped into my office in London, and the first remark he made to me was, "Dr. Parkin, we got more manual labour out of our fellows at Lovedale the first fortnight after you were there than we ever got before."

That is an illustration of the kind of thing we have to deal with. The problem in South Africa is infinitely greater than that of India. In India you have ancient religions that fill the people's mind, ancient industries that keep them busy, and you have their literature; but in South Africa you have many millions of people whom we have known for two or three hundred years, not one of whom ever wrote a book, invented a machine, or did anything that pointed in the way of civilization, and we are making ourselves responsible for them. It is an immense and difficult task.

Now, let me say that we have got to turn on these problems the strength of our race, and I ask you people in Canada to think upon these great questions. One thing has struck me much in a trip which I have just made from Halifax to Vancouver. I have been in the railway trains, in the hotels, and elsewhere, meeting a wide range of people, but it is quite extraordinary how seldom, in the western part of this Continent, at the present time you meet with any one who talks of anything but dollars. It is striking and it is ominous. hesitate to say it is ominous for our young people to grow up in an atmosphere where the dollar reigns. supreme. But there are redeeming features even in what people have come to characterize as a materialistic

I don't

age. It is that, but I find consolations in it. Have you noticed that the men who have piled up their millions, when they come to spend them, get the assistance of those who never knew how to put together ten thousand dollars? Mr. Rockefeller with his oil, Mr. Carnegie with his steel, and Mr. Rhodes with his diamonds, and many others, have done this. They never hand their money over to other millionaires to manage. Mr. Carnegie has given my friend Dr. Pritchett many millions of dollars to handle as a pension fund, and with that fund he is working out a marked development in the colleges and universities of the United States. He has handed over other millions to another comparatively poor friend to spend on Scottish education. Mr. Stanford handed over thirty millions of dollars to another educational friend for his great institution in California and left him with a free hand to spend it as he thought best for the cause of education. What I say is this: that the only thing money is worth working for is when it is going to be used for some high end. You remember what Mr. Rhodes said to General Gordon. General Gordon wanted him to join him in managing the Soudan. Rhodes said, "No, I am going to stay here and make money." "Why," said Gordon? "Well," said Rhodes, "what is the use of having big ideas without you have money to work them out?"

I have had to speak within the last year or two to many thousands of American students. I have said to them: "By all means work for money; put all your energies into it, make all you can, but be sure you have the big idea to start with."

The conclusion I have come to in passing from one end of Canada to another is that no young country in the world ever had before it a greater opportunity or a grander future than this country has. I believe that it is due partly to the races which we started with, partly with conditions of nature; our stern climate is going to squeeze out the unfit and keep them away; it is going to bring to us the hardy races of the north. We should inherit the virtues and characteristics of the best races of the world. The opportunity is immense, and you will

only make the most of it by facing also the great educational, moral, philanthropic, and social problems of the world; taking your part in the great duties of the world; not selling your souls entirely for the dollar; but if you make the dollar, resolve every dollar shall be worked for all it is worth to make Canada better and greater in the higher sense.

Let me apply that to the whole of the Empire. I have studied the Empire in a great many directions. I have had occasion to speak in most parts of it on its educational, commercial, political, and other problems, and I have come to this conclusion, that while questions of political reform, of naval and military defence, of finance, of tariff, of trade and commerce and communications must play a very important part in the development and consolidation of the British Empire, that there is something higher still that will prove a greater cement than any of these, and that is the acceptance by our British people of the high place that God seems to have intended they shall play in the world, that they shall acknowledge the educational and moral responsibilities laid upon them. If we can get the great Mother Land, Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, and the other Colonies all united in a strong resolve that the responsibilities of the Empire shall be fully met and that we shall deal conscientiously with the great social, religious, and political problems of this vast mass of people given once to our care; if we train our people to public service and make them willing to give their lives in that service, not merely on the battlefield, but their lives and their life's effort, give their unselfish effort for the highest good of the communities in which they live, if we can get our people to do that, the future of this British Empire may be infinitely greater than the thousand years of glorious history it has had in the past. (Prolonged applause)

IMPERIALISTIC CANADA

An Address by LT.-COL. FRED. W. MACQUEEN, before the Empire Club of Canada, on November 21, 1912

Mr. President and Gentlemen,—

I am indeed grateful, Mr. President, for the honour conferred upon me of being invited and permitted to address you on this occasion. The subject of my talk is "Imperialistic Canada.'

Never before have the eyes of humanity been enlightened by the sight of a world power built upon freedom. Rome never conceived, much less ever attempted, such a consummation, and none but Rome has ever possessed the resources for its attainment; none, that is to say, until the birth of the conscious, imperial intelligence of Greater Britain. Within the ample orbit of this new star in the political firmament there are to be found the twin essentials of permanent human progress. On the one hand is the gigantic power of the allied empires annually growing in scope and majesty and capable of being turned with irresistible force against any endeavour to fling humanity back towards the ape, the tiger, and the despot. On the other hand is the complete, internal freedom of these immense democracies endowed with the capacity of continuous adjustment to environment, which is the prime condition of prosperity and happiness in every organism. External power and internal freedom are the attributes of political immortality, and Britain as she confronts the twentieth century, has grasped them both and is completely conscious of her conquests.

For lo! the kingdoms wax and wane,
They spring to power and pass again
And ripen to decay;

But Britain, sound in hand and heart
Is worthy still to play her part

To-day, as yesterday.

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