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That is their income. Our loan companies distribute $53,000,000. We have deposited in our loan companies about $50,000,000. You have in all $1,500,000,000 of money circulated through the businesses of this country in wages, in industries, in foreign exchange, in keeping the pot boiling at home, in paying street car fares and railway fares, and in giving dividends to everybody who supplies anything required. Whether that circulation is equal to our wants or not it shows an enormous amount of accumulated funds-accumulated by the people of Canada largely in the last forty or fifty years.

There is just one seamy side of this picture to which I refer, and that is the tremendous loss of life on our railway systems. I will just read one quotation which I made from the Monetary Times the other day which summarizes in brief: “In four years there were killed in industrial accidents 5,296—a terrible toll to pay in our efforts to get rich. There were injured, 10,444. The total killed and injured on railways and by industrial accidents, and by fires in four years, amounted to 45,428, killed, injured, and maimed for life, or at the rate of 11,357 per annum.” The Monetary Times says in other words, “Every day during the last four years six persons have been killed and nineteen injured, or about one killed or injured every hour of the day.” It is for you engaged in industrial pursuits to see if some check cannot be put upon this terrible loss of life.

Summing up let me ask: For what are we responsible as a new nation? You have seen what we are, and you have learned what our people are capable of doing. What are our responsibilities? I will give you a few that I jotted down line by line. First, shall I say, for the conservation of our natural resources. Let us not be spendthrifts. The prodigal in the far country was content to feed on the husks which the swine did eat but no one gave to him. Let us not play the part of the prodigal! Let us save our forests! Let us save our farms by improved agriculture! Let us preserve our mineral resources by the best means known to science! We are responsible for the defence of this great country. (Applause) We are responsible to see that our

homes are secure against internal foes if any should arise, though there do not seem to be such foes in Canada for we are obedient to law and order, and against foreign foes, should any assail by land or by sea. It is our duty to realize that we are no mean people, and to realize, too, the magnitude of our necessities, and see that that defence is adequate and complete. (Applause)

We are responsible for the education of two millions of children. Let us not forget the fireside, the little lads from five to fifteen who go to our public schools whose minds are being formed, and who will be good Canadians, if we help to make them good, and if we fill them with the love of country. Old Hamilcar, it is said, took his young son Hannibal to the temple of his god and placed him upon his knees before the supreme idol of Courage, and bade him swear eternal hatred to the Romans. Let us do better by bringing our sons to the fireside, and to their mother's and their father's knee, and bid them swear eternal loyalty to Canada and to good Government. (Applause)

We are responsible for the training of our industrial forces. No cheap goods in Canada; no unskilled workmen where better workmen can be obtained, no shoddy for the market, no discreditable goods placed upon the foreign market, but everything of the best and illustrative of the highest Canadian skill.

We are responsible for the health and comfort of five hundred thousand artisans in our factories. Let us respect the toil by which they earn their living and the comfort which that toil brings to us. You enter your homes and you tread upon lovely carpets made amid the buzz of machinery, and you say, "Oh, how nice," and you sit down in an easy chair and loll before a pleasant fire, and you say, "How lovely." Do you think that that coal is the product of the deep mine, and that easy chair is the product of a factory where men toil late and early? "Lest we forget,” says Kipling, but let us not forget. You sit under a handsome gasalier or electrolier and you read your evening paper, and you forget the toil that produced the paper or the industry that led to that pleasant light which you so much enjoy. Let us reach out the hands of sympathy. And I do not say it in a pathetic sense, for the workingman needs no more sympathy than anybody else, but let us extend the hand of honest help where help is required and see that he labours under the best conditions.

We are responsible for the moral character, and shall I say, for the political character, for that is a most difficult thing to guard, of one million four hundred thousand electors who come up to the polls as often as they are asked, or who do not come up—and the more shame to those who stay at home and do not vote—sometimes from an easy conscience, and sometimes according to the pressure brought to bear upon them, but wherever they vote let them vote for the benefit of their country.

Shall we, too, who are educated in the constitutional history of Canada and in its prospects, and its expectations, be responsible for religious toleration ? No intolerant bigoted brand should ever be held in the hands of a single Canadian man or woman. There is no birthright equal to that of liberty of conscience and liberty of thought, and we are responsible for the liberty of thought and a free press, and for liberty of conscience, and we are responsible for a deeper and more intelligent Canadian feeling, and for deeper loyalty to Empire.

Empire. These things it is the object of this Club to aid and to advance. We are responsible for playing the game of nationbuilding with courage, with energy, and so my last word shall be, “Play up, play up, and play the game.”


An Address by MR. GEORGE R. PARKIN, D.C.L., LL.D,, C.M.G., of London, England, and Oxford, before the Empire Club of Canada, November 14, 1912

Mr. President and Gentlemen,

No words that I could possibly use could express the happiness and pleasure that it always gives me to come back to this city where I spent some of the m strenuous and most interesting years of my life, and to see the faces of old friends, and to hope that the new faces which I see have the same cordial welcome for me that the old have.

A thousand things rush back upon one's recollection when he comes back to a place where his life and those of his family have been spent so long, but of course in a gathering like this where time is extremely limited one must not dwell upon that at all.

The subject upon which I am going to speak to you is not one of my own choice, but one suggested to me by the authorities of your Club. In accepting the invitation I knew perfectly well that in the limit of an afterluncheon speech it was absolutely impossible to deal in anything like detail with the vast question which was placed before me.

The very most I can hope to do is to pick out a few of the salient points of the question and try to give them to you for consideration in the light of experience which I have gained in travelling over almost every part of the Empire and in the light also of such reflection as I have been able to give in the course of a life which has been chiefly devoted to educational ideas and educational ideals.

In the first place I want to say one word in regard to the title of this educational subject. You all know that in almost every walk of public life we are now compelled to think in terms of the Empire. (Hear, hear) This is true, as you know, in political relations; it is true in naval and military questions; it is true in trade and commerce; it is true in all the great questions of religious and social organization. On every one of these great questions during the last few years we have found consultation between representatives from every part of the Empire to be necessary; and, as things now stand, to weigh these questions adequately without consultation or without comparing experience is not merely impossible, but would be the very height of national foolishness. This is just as true in regard to educational matters as in regard to anything else.

Last summer we had in London a great Congress of Universities of the Empire. In a paper which I read before that Congress, I pointed out that the fifty-four Universities of the Empire which were represented there were responsible for the higher educational interests of countries which covered four fifths of the area of the world and nearly one fifth of its population. What did this mean? It meant that in University life, just as in political life, our British people are gaining the most wonderful range of experience that any nation has ever known in the whole range of human history. They are getting this experience on the political side in every form of administration, sometimes in the freest democracies that exist and again in methods of government which involve paternal despotism. So in educational matters we are having experience under almost every condition. We have experience with the ancient Universities of the old world, which have hundreds of years of tradition behind them: We have the new Universities of the newly settled continents, dealing with different problems in Canada, in South Africa, in Australia, or New Zealand. We are dealing with the question of giving some degree of university education to the immense body of other races over whom the circumstances of history have given us control. Now what I pointed out to that great Congress of Universities was this, that it would be absolute folly for a nation like ours not to compare our experiences in different parts of the world,

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