Longueville, however, brought forward their petition, which was rejected by a large majority. Pitt died in January, 1806, and Fox in September following.

In December, 1806, the parliament met, and Lord Longueville's advice to the Roman Catholics was, to petition session after session until they obtained emancipation. Their proceedings were of little moment until 1810, when meetings were held on the circuits in the south, and O'Connell made his debut in Irish politics. Lords Fingal, Gormanstown, and French occasionally took the chair at those meetings, and they assumed a more respectable character. The duke of Richmond, now lord lieutenant, watched them with no friendly intentions, and in 1811 a circular was sent from the Castle to the sheriffs and magistrates, directing the arrest of all persons connected with the appointment of delegates to the general meetings of the Roman Catholics. Lord Fingal and others continued to act, regardless of the circular. They were arrested under a warrant from Lord Chief Justice Downes, and gave bail, and the right of delegation for the purpose of petitioning parliament was tried in the case of Dr. Sheridan, and, marvellous to

relate in such times, there was an acquittal. It was a great victory; but, not content with their victory, the question was again tried in proceedings against Lord Downes, and judgment pronounced against the Roman Catholics, and the right of delegation extinguished.

The Catholic Board was then substituted for representation meetings, and the name alone was changed. The question of the Veto now became important as the proposed condition of granting emancipation, by which the Crown was, in substance, to have a casting voice in the nomination of their bishops. The question was warmly debated in and out of parliament, and was under discussion for a considerable time.

The

In December, 1821, George IV. visited Ireland. He was received by all classes of his majesty's loyal subjects with acclamation and every demonstration of sincere welcome. effect produced on the corporation of Dublin was something miraculous. The lord mayor and aldermen got a voracious appetite for reconciliation dinners, laid aside their deep-rooted prejudices, forgot their "glorious and immortal. memory," remodelled their civic toasts, and gulped down civil and religious freedom, in one

shape or another, in each successive bumper. The champagne animated, and the roast beef consolidated the fraternisation of the most bitterly antagonistic parties, but the dream of hope departed with George IV., and was soon forgotten.

In Spring, 1823, the Catholic Association. was formed: the members were admitted on the introduction of a friend, and the payment of one pound; there was no assumption of representation, there were no delegates, and the Convention Act could not reach them. Disturbances arose in the south of Ireland, which were occasioned by the poverty of the people, and they were suppressed by the magic influence of the Catholic Association, to which the people now looked for redress of their wrongs, real or imaginary, and willingly contributed towards its finances. O'Connell proposed that they should contribute one penny a week to sustain the enormous expense incurred in affording such extensive relief: the proposal was adopted, and hence arose the Catholic Rent.

In 1825 a great provincial meeting was held at Waterford, at which O'Connell attended, and was enthusiastically received. Two years afterwards, Clonmel had its meeting, which

came off with similar eclat. The Beresfords had monopolised the representation of the county of Waterford for nearly a century as the bitter enemies of the Roman Catholics, and were now turned out by Mr. Stuart, the liberal candidate, acting under the guidance of O'Connell. Louth, Monaghan, and Westmeath followed the example of Waterford, and returned liberal representatives. The tide was beginning to turn, and the forty shilling freeholders, who were the tenants, if not the members of the Catholic Association, gained those important triumphs, and were in return sadly persecuted by some of their defeated landlords, who calculated on the votes of their tenants to sustain their parliamentary influence; but such was the influence exercised over them, that they disregarded every other tie, and supported the nominees of the Roman Catholic Association, without troubling themselves about their views, politics, or claims.

Mr. Sheil now suggested the necessity of parochial meetings and petitions, which were simultaneously held and prepared, on the 21st January, 1828. Fifteen hundred meetings were held on that day, attended, as it is supposed, by a million and a half of sturdy petitioners !!

Large subscriptions were now forwarded from America General Jackson, president of the United States, contributed one thousand dollars. The duke of Wellington became premier, and the marquis of Anglesea lord lieutenant of Ireland. The marquis was a zealous advocate for Catholic emancipation. A representative was required for the county Clare, and O'Connell presented himself as a candidate. The Roman Catholic Association put forth its whole strength to support him against Vesey Fitzgerald, a favourite liberal candidate, but nothing could resist the enthusiasm of the people for O'Connell, and, after a contest of five days, he was triumphantly returned by the people of Clare as their representative in parliament.

The true state of Ireland, and the organization of the people, could not be mistaken by the duke of Wellington. It became too serious a risk to withhold civil rights from an overwhelming majority of the Irish; and on the 6th February, 1829, the king in his speech announced that the Roman Catholic question should be brought before parliament with a view to its final settlement, and should be preceded by a suppression of the Catholic Association, and an end of all political societies.