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a sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated to the Muses ; and that from this spot there was a descent into the valley of Egeria, where were several artificial caves. It is clear that the statues of the Muses made no part of the decoration which the satirist thought misplaced in these caves; for he expressly assigns other fanes (delubra) to these divinities above the valley, and moreover tells us that they had been ejected to make room for the Jews. In fact, the little temple now called that of Bacchus, was formerly thought to belong to the Muses, and Nardiniplaces them in a poplar grove, which was in his time above the valley.

It is probable from the inscription and position, that the cave now shown may be one of the “artificial caverns," of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the valley, under a tuft of alder bushes; but a single grotto of Egeria is a mere modern invention, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian to these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames.

Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistranslation by his acquaintance with Pope : he carefully preserves the correct plural

“Thence slowly winding down the vale we view

The Egerian grots : oh, how unlike the true !" The valley abounds with springs, and over these springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presided : hence she was said to supply them with water; and she was the nymph of the grottos through which the fountains were taught to flow.

The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have received names at will, which have been changed at will. Venuti owns he can see no traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and Diana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find. The mutatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the temple of the god Rediculus, are the antiquaries' despair.

The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that emperor cited by Fulvius Ursinus, of which the reverse


1. Lib. iii. cap. iii.

Quamvis undique e solo aquæ scaturiant.” Nardini, lib. iii. cap. iii. Thes. Ant. Kom., ap. J. G. Græv., 1697, iv. 978.

3. Eschinard, etc. Sic cit., pp. 297, 298.

shows a circus, supposed, however, by some to represent the Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea of that place of exercise. The soil has been but little raised, if we may judge from the small cellular structure at the end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the god Consus. This cell is half beneath the soil, as it must have been in the circus itself; for Dionysius? could not be persuaded to believe that this divinity was the Roman Neptune, because his altar was underground.


Great Nemesis !
Here, where the ancient paid thee homage long.

Stanza cxxxii. lines 2 and 3. We read in Suetonius, that Augustus, from a warning received in a dream, counterfeited, once a year, the beggar, sitting before the gate of his palace with his hand hollowed and stretched out for charity. A statue formerly in the villa Borghese, and which should be now at Paris, represents the Emperor in that posture of supplication. The object of that self-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols attached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius : and until the criticism of Winckelmann' had rectified the mistake, one fiction was called in to support another. It was the same fear of the sudden

1. Antiq. Rom., Oxf., 1704, lib. ii. cap. xxxi. vol. i. p. 97. 2. Sueton., in Vit

. Augusti

, cap. xci. Casaubon, in the note, refers to Plutarch's Lives of Camillus and Æmilius Paulus, and also to his apophthegms, for the character of this deity. The hollowed hand was reckoned the last degree of degradation ; and when the dead body of the præfect Rufinus was borne about in triumph by the people, the indignity was increased by putting his hand in that position.

3. Storia delle Arti, etc., Rome, 1783, lib. xii. cap. iii. tom. ii. p. 422. Visconti calls the statue, however, a Cybele. It is given in the Museo Pio-Clement., tom. i. par. xl. The Abate Fea (Spiegazione dei Rami. Storia, etc., iii. 513) calls it a Crisippo.

termination of prosperity, that made Amasis king of Egypt warn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the gods loved those whose lives were chequered with good and evil fortunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent; that is, for those whose caution rendered them accessible only to mere accidents ; and her first altar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian Asepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that name who killed the son of Cræsus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea.

The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august: there was a temple to her in the Palatine under the name of Rhamnusia ; a so great, indeed, was the propensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to believe in the divinity of Fortune, that in the same Palatine there was a temple to the Fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart ; and, from concentrating in one object the credulity so natural to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this goddess to be synonymous with Fortune and with Fate ;* but it was in her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under the name of Nemesis.

1. Dict. de Bayle, art. Adrastea."
2. It is enumerated by the regionary Victor.

3. “Fortunæ hujusce diei." Cicero mentions her, De Legib., lib. ii. 4




GORD. (See Questiones Romana, etc., ap. Græv., Antiq. Roman., v. 942. See also Muratori, Nov. Thesaur. Inscrip. Vet., Milan, 1739, i. 88, 89, where there are three Latin and one Greek' inscription to Nemesis, and others to Fate.)


He, their sire,
Butchered to make a Roman holiday.

Stanza cxli. lines 6 and 7. Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary ; and were supplied from several conditions ;—from slaves sold for that purpose ; from culprits ; from barbarian captives either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, or those seized and condemned as rebels ; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorati), others from a depraved ambition ; at last even knights and senators were exhibited,-a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought ; an enormity prohibited by Severus. Of these the most to be pitied undoubtedly were the barbarian captives; and, to this species a Christian writer? justly applies the epithet “innocent," to distinguish them from the professional gladiators. Aurelian and Claudius supplied great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one after his triumph, and the other on the pretext of a rebellion. No war, says Lipsius,4 was ever so destructive to the human race as these sports. In spite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gladiatorial shows survived the old established religion more than seventy years ; but they owed their final extinction to the courage of a Christian. In the year 404, on the kalends of January, they were exhibiting the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre before the usual immense concourse of people. Almachius, or Telemachus, an Eastern monk, who had travelled to Rome intent on his holy purpose, rushed into the midst of the arena, and endeavoured to separate the combatants. The Prætor Alypius, a person incredibly attached to these games, gave instant

1 Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.

Ad captiuos pertinere Tertulliani querelam puto : Certe quidem & innocentes gladiatores in ludum veniunt, & voluptatis publicæ hostiæ fiunt.Justus, Lipsius, 1588, Saturn. Sermon., lib. ii. cap. iii. p. 84.

3. Vopiscus, in Vit. Aurel., and in Vit. Claud., ibid. 4. Just. Lips., ibid., lib. i. cap. xii. p. 45.

5. Augustinus (Confess., lib. vi. cap. viii.): "Alypium suum gladiatorii spectaculi inhiatu incredibiliter abreptum," scribit ib., lib. i. cap. xii.

orders to the gladiators to slay him ; and Telemachus gained the crown of martyrdom, and the title of saint, which surely has never either before or since been awarded for a more noble exploit. Honorius immediately abolished the shows, which were never afterwards revived. The story is told by Theodoret 1 and Cassiodorus," and seems worthy of credit notwithstanding its place in the Roman martyrology.3 Besides the torrents of blood which flowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, and other public places, gladiators were introduced at feasts, and tore each other to pieces amidst the supper tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to be nearly connected with the abolition of these bloody spectacles.

Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise
Was Death or Life-the playthings of a crowd.

Stanza cxlii. lines 5 and 6. When one gladiator wounded another, he shouted, “He has it,” “ Hoc habet,” or “Habet.” The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, and advancing to the edge of the arena, supplicated the spectators. If he had fought well, the people saved him; if otherwise, or as they happened to be inclined, they turned down their thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasionally so savage that they were impatient if a combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished; and it is recorded, as an instance of Caracalla's ferocity, that he sent those who supplicated him for life, in a spectacle, at Nicomedia, to ask the people ; in other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The magistrate presides; and after the horseman and piccadores have

cap. xxvi.

1. Hist. Eccles., ap. Ant. Hist. Eccl., Basle, 1535, lib. v.

2. Cassiod., Tripartita, ap. Ant. Hist. Eccl., Basle, 1535, lib. x. cap. ii. p. 543.

3. Baronius, De Ann. et in Notis ad Martyrol. Rom. I. Jan. (See Marangoni, Delle memorie sacre, e profane dell'Anfiteatro Flavio, p. 25, edit. 1746.)

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