PRICE OF FOOD AND CRIME.

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land, and this fell to 57,212 in the following year. The facts relating to crime are as follows:The number of commitments were in England and Wales :

Thus the number of offences against the laws was rapidly increasing from 1838 to 1842, rising from 23,094 up to 31,309; and two years of moderate prices of food have brought them down from 31,309 in 1842 to 26,542 in 1844; and the returns from Scotland show similar results.

The tables of mortality are equally striking. I have the particulars of nine districts in the county of Lancaster in 1840, a year of high prices as compared with 1843, a year of moderate prices:

Thus, in 1840, a year of scarcity and dearness, there died in these nine districts 26,196 persons, whilst in 1843, a year of plenty and cheapness, but with an increased population, there died only 23,335 persons, being a difference of 2,861 deaths.

Now, if emigration only had increased, or crime only had increased, or if mortality only had extended its ravages, we might have hesitated as to the cause; but when all these increase greatly at the same time, and that time is one when food is made scarce and dear by law, then I think we are justified in believing that there is some intimate connection between that law and the suffering and criminality and mortality amongst the people. And which is the class of people thus afflicted and desolated by the periodical famine created by the Corn Law? Not the rich and comfortable class, scarcely even the middle class, but the artisan and labouring class—the poorest, of course, must be the greatest sufferers. I submit to you the following propositions:-1stWhen food is scarce and dear, the pressure of distress increases. Emigration is more common, and foreign lands afford the refuge which our country refuses to a portion of its population. At the same time morality and honesty are on the decline, and offences against the laws are frightfully on the increase. The same period is likewise marked by the ravages of death, and human life is sacrificed on the altar of famine. 2nd-The Corn Law was passed and is maintained to

keep up the price of food by making food scarce, and by bringing the population of our country to the verge of famine whenever our own harvests are deficient. 3rd-The tendency, then, of the Corn Law is to create famine, to compel emigration, to tempt men to crime, and to bring down men, women, and children to a premature grave."

Notwithstanding these plain facts, the people of Sunderland returned Mr. Hudson to Parliament by a large majority. a large majority. This was due mainly to the fact that a great many Liberals whose minds were yet unsettled as to the doctrines of Free Trade, abstained altogether from taking any part in the election.

CHAPTER XXII.

INIQUITY OF THE GAME LAWS EXPOSED.

State of Mr. Cobden's Business Affairs-Letter from Mr. Bright upon the matter-Mr. Cobden's difficulties overcome-T. B. Macaulay's Speech on the Corn Laws-The League's Bazaar in Manchester-The Inquiry into the Game Laws-Scene between Mr. Bright and Grantley Berkeley-Genius and Patience.

'LTHOUGH in 1836 the nett profit of Cobden's business amounted to £23,000 for that year, it gradually decreased, chiefly on account of neglect-his attention being absorbed with the objects of the Anti-Corn-Law League. In September, 1845, so serious was his pecuniary position that, after much painful consideration, he resolved to abandon public affairs, and devote his time to his business. He at once wrote a letter to his friend Mr. Bright, who at that time was at Inverness. Mr. Bright promptly replied:

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'MY DEAR COBDEN,-I received your letter on the 15th, yesterday evening, on my arrival here. Its contents have made me more sad than I can express; it seems as if this untoward event contained within it an affliction personal for myself, great public loss, a heavy blow to one for whom I feel a sincere friendship, and not a little danger to the great cause in which we have been fellow-labourers. I would return home without a day's delay if I had a valid excuse for my sisters, who are here with me. We have now been out nearly three weeks, and may possibly be as much longer before we reach home; our plan being pretty well chalked out beforehand, I don't see how I can greatly change it without giving a sufficient reason. But it does not appear needful that you should take any hasty step in the matter. Too much is at stake, both for you and for the public, to make any sudden decision advisable. I may, therefore, be home in time for us to have some conversation before anything comes before the public. Nothing of it shall pass my lips, and I would urge nothing to be done till the latest moment, in the hope that some way of escape may be found. I am of opinion that your retirement would be tantamount to a dissolution of the League; its mainspring would be gone. I can in no degree take your place. As a second I can fight, but there are incapacities about me, of which I am fully conscious, which prevent my being more than a second in such a work as we have laboured in. Do not think I wish to add to your troubles by writing thus; but I am most anxious that some delay should take place, and therefore I urge that which I fully believe, that the League's existence depends mostly upon you, and if the shock cannot be avoided, it should be given only after the weightiest consideration, and in such a way as to produce the least evil. Be assured that in all this disappointment you have my heartfelt sympathy. We have worked long, and hard, and cordially, together; and I can say most truly that the more I have known you the more I have had reason

to admire and esteem you; and now, when a heavy cloud seems upon us, I must not wholly give up the hope that we may yet labour in the good cause until all is gained for which we have striven. You speak of the attempts which have been made to raise the passion which led to the death of Abel, and to weaken us by destroying the confidence which was needful to our successful co-operation. If such attempts have been made, they have wholly failed. To help on the cause, I am sure each of us would, in any way, have led or followed; we have our natural and just position, and hence our success. In myself I know nothing that at this moment would rejoice me more, except the absence of these difficulties, than that my retirement from the field could in any way maintain you in the front rank. The victory is now in reality gained, and our object will before very long be accomplished; but it is often as difficult to leave a victory as to gain it; and the sagacity of leaders cannot be dispensed with while anything remains to be done. Be assured I shall think of little else but this distressing turn of affairs till I meet you; and whilst I am sorry that such should be the position of things, I cannot but applaud the determination you show to look them full in the face, and to grapple with the difficulties while they are yet surmountable. I have written this letter under feelings to which I have not been able to give expression, but you will believe that

"I am, with much sympathy and esteem, your sincere friend,

"JOHN BRIGHT."

Mr. Bright was unable to remain inactive while his friend was in difficulties, and in two days hastened to Manchester, and means being found to relieve Mr. Cobden of the pecuniary embarrassment for the time, both friends renewed their labours on behalf of the League; thus the strong mind of Cobden rose superior to his misfortunes.

The inhabitants of the metropolis of Scotland were as anxious for the ports to be immediately and permanently thrown open as the citizens of any town in England, for they memorialised the Lord Provost of Edinburgh to convene a public meeting, which was held in the Music Hall, on the 2nd of October, 1845, and was presided over by the chief magistrate of the city of Edinburgh, Mr. Adam Black. Amongst those who were present and took part in the proceedings were Sir C. Napier, M.P., Thomas Maitland, M.P., D. R. Ross, M.P., and Lord Provost of Glasgow, Professor Napier, the Rev. Dr. Henry Gray, Rev. Dr. Wm. Peddie, the Rev. Andrew Thomson, and Rev. Andrew Elliott. Mr. T. B. Macaulay, the illustrious historian, at that time Member of Parliament for Edinburgh, delivered the principal speech.

"I conceived that a great era in our commercial policy had arrived," said Macaulay; “and I thought that in such a conjuncture you had a right to a frank and full explanation from one who has the honour to represent you in Parliament. (Loud cheers.) With respect to the past, gentlemen, I have perhaps a little to explain, but certainly nothing to regret or retract. My

MACAULAY DECLARES FOR FREE TRADE.

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opinions, from the moment when I entered public life up to the present day, have never varied. I have always considered the principle of Protection to agriculture as a vicious principle. I thought that vicious principle took, in the laws of 1815, of 1828, and of 1842, a peculiarly vicious form. But my opinion has never varied as to this, that the principle in itself was vicious. This I declared twelve years ago, when I stood for Leeds; then I declared it in 1839, when first I presented myself before you; and when, a few months later, Lord Melbourne invited me to become a member of his Government, I distinctly stated to him that, in office or out of office, I must vote for the total repeal of the Corn Laws. (Loud cheers.) In the year 1841, a very peculiar crisis had arrived. There seemed to be reason to hope that it might be possible to obtain a compromise, which would not indeed remove the evil, but which would very greatly mitigate it; and there were some circumstances in the financial state of the country which led us to hope that we might be able to obtain that support for the proposition of a moderate fixed duty which could not possibly be obtained if we had proposed to have an entirely free trade. On that occasion her Majesty appealed to the people. I presented myself before you; and I disguised nothing. I said, 'I am for Free Trade in corn; but I think that in existing circumstances to make a compromise would be desirable. I am a party to that compromise; and it is for you to-day to determine whether you will approve of my conduct or not.' (Applause.) You approved of it, and sent me back to Parliament as a party to that compromise. I thought, then, that my duty was this-not to vote against the principles of Free Trade, but until Parliament should decide whether they would accept that compromise or not, I must act with my former colleagues, and support and propose that compromise in Parliament. I did so. During the first year I declined to vote for the extreme proposal of Free Trade, although I declared myself in favour of it. I refused, at the same time, to vote against it. But as soon as Parliament rejected the compromise—as soon as it decided in favour of Sir Robert Peel's sliding-scale-I conceived that all my former engagements were at an end, and from that time I regularly voted in favour of every proposition for the perfect freedom of trade in corn. There has been, I am well aware, since that time some difference of opinion, not as to the end but rather as to the means, between me and my constituents; but the difference between us was not, at last, as to the question whether I would or would not support the Free Trade in corn, but whether I would or would not act cordially against the present system, in concurrence with many eminent and patriotic men, who were still attempting to effect the compromise of 1841. Valuing most highly other support, but feeling the immense strength of the party of monopoly, my wish was-not conceding my own opinion, not even withholding my own vote when the question of a Free Trade in corn was considered-nevertheless, to act in the most cordial feelings of friendship, and in the strictest union with such men as Lord John Russell, Lord Howick, and Lord Morpeth, who still, from whatever cause, felt themselves bound to adhere to something like the compromise of 1841. That was the only difference between us. I will not argue the question now. It has been set at rest in the best possible way. It is not necessary now to inquire how I should act towards the party who are in favour of a moderate fixed duty. That party has disappeared. (Great cheering.) Time, and reflection, and discussion, and recent experience, have produced the effect which it was natural to think it would produce in capacious reasoners and patriotic minds. No intermediate shades are now left. The light is divided from the darkness. There stand two parties, ranged right against each other. There is the standard of monopoly, and here is the standard of Free Trade; and, as your representative, I pledge myself to be faithful to the standard of Free Trade. (Immense cheering.) I have been relieved, in some degree, of a difficulty which, I believe, I should have felt in addressing you, by the resolution which has been put into my hands. I should have felt that I was unnecessarily intruding on your attention if I were to dilate on the whole of this vast subject, and yet, I believe, I should have felt a difficulty in selecting any one part of it. But the gentlemen who have taken charge of the proceedings have requested me to